{"title":"The Printers’ Networks of Chen Qi (1186–1256) and Robert Estienne (1503–1559): A Micro-Comparative Approach to Political Dependence and Censorship","authors":"Chun Kin, F. Morche","doi":"10.1017/9789048551002.012","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"This chapter aims to demonstrate the pertinence of micro-historical sources\n to the comparative study of political institutions. We conduct two case\n studies of urban intellectual circles in thirteenth-century Song China and\n sixteenth-century France, comparing the intellectual output and personal\n networks of the Parisian printer Robert Estienne and of Chen Qi, a publisher\n in the Southern Song capital Hangzhou. Robert Estienne built his father’s\n printing business into a formidable European publishing house, publishing\n more than 500 works in his lifetime and gaining eminence as a scholar of\n Greek and the New Testament. His differences with the theological faculty\n of Paris over his critical editions of the bible eventually led him to move\n his workshop to Geneva. Some 300 years earlier, Chen Qi was exiled from\n Hangzhou following his publication of the Rivers and Lakes Collection 江湖集\n (Jianghu ji), which was deemed slanderous against the Southern Song Chief\n Councillor Shi Miyuan. The juxtaposition of the two cases allows us to inquire\n into the political dimension of their publishing activity and to contextualize\n the micro-historical narratives within regional histories of institutional\n development: to what extent were Chen Qi and Robert Estienne subjected\n to political arbitrariness? Was the forced exile and temporary character\n demolition of Chen Qi, compared to the career-enhancing self-exile of Robert\n Estienne, the result of a weaker institutionalization of censorship? What\n role did personal networks play in the development of political patronage?","PeriodicalId":162015,"journal":{"name":"Political Communication in Chinese and European History, 800–1600","volume":"12 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0000,"publicationDate":"2021-05-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"1","resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"Political Communication in Chinese and European History, 800–1600","FirstCategoryId":"1085","ListUrlMain":"https://doi.org/10.1017/9789048551002.012","RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":null,"ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"","JCRName":"","Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 1
Abstract
This chapter aims to demonstrate the pertinence of micro-historical sources
to the comparative study of political institutions. We conduct two case
studies of urban intellectual circles in thirteenth-century Song China and
sixteenth-century France, comparing the intellectual output and personal
networks of the Parisian printer Robert Estienne and of Chen Qi, a publisher
in the Southern Song capital Hangzhou. Robert Estienne built his father’s
printing business into a formidable European publishing house, publishing
more than 500 works in his lifetime and gaining eminence as a scholar of
Greek and the New Testament. His differences with the theological faculty
of Paris over his critical editions of the bible eventually led him to move
his workshop to Geneva. Some 300 years earlier, Chen Qi was exiled from
Hangzhou following his publication of the Rivers and Lakes Collection 江湖集
(Jianghu ji), which was deemed slanderous against the Southern Song Chief
Councillor Shi Miyuan. The juxtaposition of the two cases allows us to inquire
into the political dimension of their publishing activity and to contextualize
the micro-historical narratives within regional histories of institutional
development: to what extent were Chen Qi and Robert Estienne subjected
to political arbitrariness? Was the forced exile and temporary character
demolition of Chen Qi, compared to the career-enhancing self-exile of Robert
Estienne, the result of a weaker institutionalization of censorship? What
role did personal networks play in the development of political patronage?