6 Sub-Saharan Africa

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Abstract

Key trends Violence decreased in the conflicts in the Central African Republic, Nigeria (Farmer–Pastoralist), South Sudan and Sudan, while the Sahel registered unprecedented levels of violence and human displacement. Violence also continued in Cameroon, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Ethiopia, the Lake Chad Basin and Somalia. ISIS offshoots are present to varying degrees in multiple conflicts: from ISWAP, the most successful splinter outside the Middle East, to the little-known Central Africa Province in the DRC. The numbers of refugees and IDPs remained high across all conflicts. Ongoing violence prevented effective emergency responses to humanitarian and health crises, including Ebola and measles outbreaks in the DRC. Strategic implications Foreign powers are involved in almost all conflicts in the region. Russia’s increased involvement in the CAR sparked concerns in Washington and Paris. Burundi, Rwanda and Uganda pursued their rivalries through armed groups in the DRC, over which the latter has no control. The ousting of President Omar al-Bashir prompted Western governments to re-engage with Sudan, while Bashir’s traditional allies in the Gulf backed the new transitional government. The US revoked Cameroon’s preferential trade status and withdrew a pledge of military aid. Washington also imposed sanctions on South Sudanese officials. Prospects The implementation of various peace agreements will remain a key challenge across most conflicts because of limited capacity to reintegrate fighters (in the DRC, for example) and fragmentation within negotiating parties (in Cameroon). In Sudan, the consolidation of military power poses risks for a democratic transition and the peace process. The Sahel conflict shows signs of further expansion and threatens coastal West Africa. Somalia’s prospects for a united government are poor. Unrestrained competition between wealthy global powers (of which the country has seen some signs) will exacerbate the problem and prolong the conflict.
撒哈拉以南非洲
中非共和国、尼日利亚(农牧民)、南苏丹和苏丹冲突中的暴力有所减少,而萨赫勒地区的暴力和人口流离失所程度空前。喀麦隆、刚果民主共和国、埃塞俄比亚、乍得湖盆地和索马里的暴力事件也在继续。ISIS的分支不同程度地出现在多个冲突中:从中东以外最成功的分裂组织ISWAP,到刚果民主共和国鲜为人知的中非省。在所有冲突中,难民和国内流离失所者的人数仍然很高。持续的暴力阻碍了对人道主义和卫生危机,包括刚果民主共和国的埃博拉和麻疹疫情作出有效的应急反应。外国势力几乎卷入了该地区所有的冲突。俄罗斯越来越多地介入中非共和国引发了华盛顿和巴黎的担忧。布隆迪、卢旺达和乌干达通过刚果民主共和国的武装组织展开竞争,而后者对刚果民主共和国没有控制权。巴希尔总统的下台促使西方政府重新与苏丹接触,而巴希尔在海湾地区的传统盟友则支持新的过渡政府。美国取消了喀麦隆的优惠贸易地位,并撤回了军事援助的承诺。华盛顿还对南苏丹官员实施了制裁。在大多数冲突中,执行各种和平协议仍将是一项关键挑战,因为使战斗人员重返社会的能力有限(例如在刚果民主共和国),以及谈判各方内部的分裂(例如在喀麦隆)。在苏丹,军事力量的巩固对民主过渡和和平进程构成危险。萨赫勒冲突显示出进一步扩大的迹象,并威胁到西非沿海地区。索马里联合政府的前景不容乐观。富裕的全球大国之间不受约束的竞争(该国已经看到了一些迹象)将加剧问题并延长冲突。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
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