Nationalism and the Political Theology of Populism: Affect and Rationality in Contemporary Identity Politics

Ulf Hedetoft
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引用次数: 1

Abstract

Nationalism and nation-state-building in Europe have in the modern period always centered round the question of cultural and ethnic homogeneity and the ideal of congruity between politics, culture and borders (Gellner 1983). Importantly, however, this has consistently been a homogeneity which has been guaranteed by states which, in opposition to the ancien régime, either spearheaded or were the primary object of the European modernization process. These states have since developed into safeguards of national loyalties based on sentiments of self-abnegation and sacrifice rather than selfish interest. European national identities are therefore in a very fundamental sense state identities, since they presuppose an interventionist state apparatus able to uphold not just the sovereignty of the nation-state on the international stage, but also domestic equality and freedom for and among its citizens in a way that commands their respect, even devotion (this argument is further developed in Hedetoft 2018). The identity of citizens may have started as a rational and calculated undertaking, but it always ends up as a deeply affective commitment (Hvithamar 2009). The central concepts of ‘nation’, ‘people’ and ‘citizens’ need to be briefly defined. They are often used interchangeably, but there are subtle differences (Yack 2012). Nation is imaginative, mythical and pre-political, the subjunctive root of ‘the people’, which is per se indicatively linked to its state through policies of ascription, self-definition and borders, and the third, citizens, indicates the individual members of the people as a collective political community, subdividing this ‘body’ into ethnic (original) and civic (newcomer) members. Together they provide the vertical (state-to1
民族主义与民粹主义的政治神学:当代身份政治的情感与理性
近代欧洲的民族主义和民族国家建设始终围绕着文化和种族同质性问题以及政治、文化和边界之间的一致性理想(Gellner 1983)。然而,重要的是,这种同质性一直得到一些国家的保证,这些国家反对旧的制度,它们带头或曾经是欧洲现代化进程的主要目标。从那以后,这些州发展成为基于自我克制和牺牲而不是自私利益的情感的国家忠诚的保障。因此,欧洲的民族认同在一个非常基本的意义上是国家认同,因为它们假设了一个干预主义的国家机器,不仅能够在国际舞台上维护民族国家的主权,而且能够以一种值得他们尊重甚至奉献的方式维护其公民的国内平等和自由(这一论点在Hedetoft 2018中得到了进一步的发展)。公民的身份认同可能已经开始作为一个理性和计算的承诺,但它总是结束为一个深刻的情感承诺(Hvithamar 2009)。“国家”、“人民”和“公民”的核心概念需要简单地定义。它们通常可以互换使用,但也有细微的区别(Yack 2012)。民族是想象的、神话的和前政治的,是“人民”的虚拟词根,它本身通过归属、自我定义和边界的政策与国家联系在一起。第三,公民,表明作为集体政治共同体的人民的个人成员,将这个“身体”细分为种族(原始)和公民(新来者)成员。它们一起提供了垂直的状态到状态
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