Habermas, the Public Sphere, and the Creation of a Racial Counterpublic

G. Charles, Luis E. Fuentes-Rohwer
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引用次数: 225

Abstract

In The Structural Transformation of the Public Sphere, Jürgen Habermas documented the historical emergence and fall of what he called the bourgeois public sphere, which he defined as “[a] sphere of private people come together as a public . . . to engage [public authorities] in a debate over the general rules governing relations in the basically privatized but publicly relevant sphere of commodity exchange and social labor.” This was a space where individuals gathered to discuss with each other, and sometimes with public officials, matters of shared concern. The aim of these gatherings was not simply discourse; these gatherings allowed the bourgeoisie to use their reason to determine the boundaries of public and private and to self-consciously develop the public sphere. As Habermas writes, “[t]he medium of this political confrontation was . . . people’s public use of their reason.” The bourgeois public didn’t simply participate, but it did so both directly and critically. The development of the bourgeois public as a critical, intellectual public took place in coffeehouses, in salons, and table societies. In Great Britain, Germany, and France, particularly, the coffeehouses and the salons “were centers of criticism—literary at first, then also political—in which began to emerge, between aristocratic society and bourgeois intellectuals, a certain parity of the educated.” Intellectual equals came together and deliberated, an equality that was key in ensuring the requisite openness and deliberation. No one person dominated the discussion due to his status within the deliberative community. Instead, and above all else, the “power of the better argument” won out. Two conditions were critical to these deliberations. First, equality was key to the public sphere. Membership in the public sphere meant that no one person was above the other and all arguments were similarly treated and scrutinized. Second, the principle of universal access was crucial.8The doors of the deliberative space were open to all comers and no group or person was purposefully shut out. Seen together, these two conditions provide a blueprint for deliberative practices in a democratic society.
哈贝马斯,公共领域,以及种族反公共的创造
在《公共领域的结构转型》一书中,约根·哈贝马斯记录了他所谓的资产阶级公共领域的历史兴起和衰落,他将其定义为“私人聚集在一起的公共领域……”让(公共当局)就基本私有化但与公共相关的商品交换和社会劳动领域的关系的一般规则进行辩论。”这是一个人们聚集在一起相互讨论,有时与政府官员讨论共同关心的问题的空间。这些聚会的目的不仅仅是讨论;这些集会使资产阶级能够运用他们的理性来确定公共和私人的界限,并自觉地发展公共领域。正如哈贝马斯所写,“这种政治对抗的媒介是……人们公开运用他们的理性。”资产阶级公众并不是简单地参与,而是直接地、批判地参与。资产阶级公众作为一个批判的、有知识的公众的发展发生在咖啡馆、沙龙和餐桌社会。特别是在英国、德国和法国,咖啡馆和沙龙“起初是文学批评的中心,后来也是政治批评的中心,在贵族社会和资产阶级知识分子之间,受过教育的人在某种程度上是平等的。”智力平等的人聚在一起商议,这种平等是确保必要的开放和商议的关键。由于他在审议界的地位,没有人主导讨论。相反,最重要的是,“更好的论点的力量”胜出了。有两个条件对这些审议至关重要。首先,平等是公共领域的关键。公共领域的成员资格意味着没有人凌驾于他人之上,所有的论点都得到同样的对待和审查。第二,普遍获取的原则至关重要。8 .审议空间的大门向所有人敞开,没有任何团体或个人被故意拒之门外。综合来看,这两个条件为民主社会的协商实践提供了蓝图。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
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