The Digital Architectures of 'Smart' Cities and the Fourth Amendment: In Response to Andrew Ferguson

S. Friedland
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The common use of the word “smart” in this context indicates that there will be valuable – perhaps even monetized -- information produced by the networks that multiple entities might want to or in fact access. These networks have sensors linked to each other to effectively create massive surveillance systems. Unlike physical surveillance, transaction costs are low. While these surveillance systems often are initiated by consumers who enjoy the conveniences of the Internet of Things (IoT) or businesses that utilize the information highway for profit or efficiency, it also involves systems deployed or accessed by government entities. While governmental use of smart sensor structural design in cities can greatly assist cities, it also poses a threat through the mass surveillance systems it creates. Professor Ferguson has termed this byproduct of smart sensors “sensorveillance,” showing that the surveilling sensors have a potential windfall of information for crime investigators and a diminishment of privacy. He notes: Using data, police can monitor individuals thought to be involved in criminal activities, associated groups involved in networks of crime, and places of criminal risk. They can seek to understand points of environmental vulnerability, victims most at risk, and patterns of crime. They can seek to understand crime data in terms of geography, time, people, and patterns, and visualize it across the days, weeks, or years. Using smart sensor technologies, police will possess a powerful investigative “time machine.” Professor Ferguson’s article explains how the structural design of “smart” cities embedded with tens of thousands of sensors on communications networks could minimize violations of the Fourth Amendment: Because the digital architecture must be built from scratch, digital property rights and social expectations of privacy can be written into code—both legal code and computer code. This moment of physical and digital construction opens the possibility for a legal reconstruction of privacy, potentially offering more protections, more transparency, and more democratic engagement about the balance.... While the crux of Professor Ferguson’s inquiry lies in the government use of sensor-derived information, sensorveillance is not simply a product of intentional malevolent snooping by the government. As one commentator observed: “Though the intended consequence of smart city technology may be efficiency, the unintended consequence may be surveillance.” The fact that snooping occurs without scienter does not make it any less snooping or an invasion of privacy. Yet, no matter how mass data is derived, Professor Ferguson argues that the intentionality of digital design in cities matters: “Depending on how the sensors are configured, these city environments can either create a Fourth Amendment search problem or avoid one…. Because the digital architecture must be built from scratch, digital property rights and social expectations of privacy can be written into code—both legal code and computer code.” With this one sentence, he reveals the scope of his intentions – combining complex legal analysis with urban planning. In essence, it is not only avoidance of Fourth Amendment violations that he is advocating, but a much more ambitious policy-based utilitarian model that would result from Fourth Amendment tailoring. He asserts that this would be beneficial for democracy overall by promoting citizen engagement. This reply largely agrees with Professor Ferguson’s embrace of forward planning –instead of just a retrospective about a decided case – and his creation of potential standards for a greater utilitarian process and better city infrastructures. Yet, as city subway riders are warned, he needs to mind the gap(s) in his projections, ranging from ransomware attacks to implicit bias. Further, he might possibly consider some additions, doubling-down on firewalls and adding in the Third Amendment as a potential reinforcing bulwark. This reply has a compact structure. A short background section framing the applicable Fourth Amendment law follows this introduction. 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引用次数: 0

Abstract

In Structural Sensor Surveillance, Professor Andrew Ferguson provides an astute – some might say smart -- lens for viewing urban planning from a Fourth Amendment digital perspective. This reply to Professor Ferguson’s article does three things. First, it amplifies some of his observations and conclusions. Second, the reply fills in some gaps and critiques some of the article’s assumptions. Third, it offers a few suggestions of its own. ‘Smart’ means many things in the current lexicon. Within the realm of the Fourth Amendment it means something that is part of a digital network producing a stream of data. The common use of the word “smart” in this context indicates that there will be valuable – perhaps even monetized -- information produced by the networks that multiple entities might want to or in fact access. These networks have sensors linked to each other to effectively create massive surveillance systems. Unlike physical surveillance, transaction costs are low. While these surveillance systems often are initiated by consumers who enjoy the conveniences of the Internet of Things (IoT) or businesses that utilize the information highway for profit or efficiency, it also involves systems deployed or accessed by government entities. While governmental use of smart sensor structural design in cities can greatly assist cities, it also poses a threat through the mass surveillance systems it creates. Professor Ferguson has termed this byproduct of smart sensors “sensorveillance,” showing that the surveilling sensors have a potential windfall of information for crime investigators and a diminishment of privacy. He notes: Using data, police can monitor individuals thought to be involved in criminal activities, associated groups involved in networks of crime, and places of criminal risk. They can seek to understand points of environmental vulnerability, victims most at risk, and patterns of crime. They can seek to understand crime data in terms of geography, time, people, and patterns, and visualize it across the days, weeks, or years. Using smart sensor technologies, police will possess a powerful investigative “time machine.” Professor Ferguson’s article explains how the structural design of “smart” cities embedded with tens of thousands of sensors on communications networks could minimize violations of the Fourth Amendment: Because the digital architecture must be built from scratch, digital property rights and social expectations of privacy can be written into code—both legal code and computer code. This moment of physical and digital construction opens the possibility for a legal reconstruction of privacy, potentially offering more protections, more transparency, and more democratic engagement about the balance.... While the crux of Professor Ferguson’s inquiry lies in the government use of sensor-derived information, sensorveillance is not simply a product of intentional malevolent snooping by the government. As one commentator observed: “Though the intended consequence of smart city technology may be efficiency, the unintended consequence may be surveillance.” The fact that snooping occurs without scienter does not make it any less snooping or an invasion of privacy. Yet, no matter how mass data is derived, Professor Ferguson argues that the intentionality of digital design in cities matters: “Depending on how the sensors are configured, these city environments can either create a Fourth Amendment search problem or avoid one…. Because the digital architecture must be built from scratch, digital property rights and social expectations of privacy can be written into code—both legal code and computer code.” With this one sentence, he reveals the scope of his intentions – combining complex legal analysis with urban planning. In essence, it is not only avoidance of Fourth Amendment violations that he is advocating, but a much more ambitious policy-based utilitarian model that would result from Fourth Amendment tailoring. He asserts that this would be beneficial for democracy overall by promoting citizen engagement. This reply largely agrees with Professor Ferguson’s embrace of forward planning –instead of just a retrospective about a decided case – and his creation of potential standards for a greater utilitarian process and better city infrastructures. Yet, as city subway riders are warned, he needs to mind the gap(s) in his projections, ranging from ransomware attacks to implicit bias. Further, he might possibly consider some additions, doubling-down on firewalls and adding in the Third Amendment as a potential reinforcing bulwark. This reply has a compact structure. A short background section framing the applicable Fourth Amendment law follows this introduction. The next section explains in greater detail the reply’s alignment with Professor Ferguson, the gap(s) to be minded, and some suggestions. It ends with the expected conclusion.
“智慧”城市的数字架构和第四修正案:对安德鲁·弗格森的回应
在《结构传感器监测》一书中,安德鲁·弗格森教授提供了一个敏锐的——有些人可能会说是智能的——镜头,从第四修正案的数字视角来看待城市规划。这篇对弗格森教授文章的回复做了三件事。首先,它放大了他的一些观察和结论。其次,回复填补了一些空白,并批评了文章的一些假设。第三,它提出了一些自己的建议。在当前的词典中,“Smart”有很多含义。在第四修正案的范围内,它指的是产生数据流的数字网络的一部分。在这种情况下,“智能”一词的普遍使用表明,多个实体可能想要或实际上访问的网络产生的信息将是有价值的——甚至可能是货币化的。这些网络有相互连接的传感器,以有效地创建大规模监视系统。与实体监控不同,交易成本很低。虽然这些监控系统通常是由享受物联网(IoT)便利的消费者或利用信息高速公路获取利润或效率的企业发起的,但它也涉及政府实体部署或访问的系统。虽然政府在城市中使用智能传感器结构设计可以极大地帮助城市,但它也会通过它创建的大规模监控系统构成威胁。弗格森教授将这种智能传感器的副产品称为“传感器监视”,这表明监视传感器可能会为犯罪调查人员提供意外收获的信息,并减少隐私。他指出:利用数据,警察可以监控被认为参与犯罪活动的个人,参与犯罪网络的相关团体,以及有犯罪风险的地方。他们可以设法了解环境的脆弱性、最危险的受害者和犯罪模式。他们可以从地理、时间、人员和模式等方面了解犯罪数据,并将其可视化,以天、周或年为单位。利用智能传感器技术,警方将拥有一台强大的调查“时间机器”。弗格森教授的文章解释了“智能”城市的结构设计如何在通信网络上嵌入数以万计的传感器,从而最大限度地减少对第四修正案的违反:因为数字架构必须从零开始构建,数字产权和社会对隐私的期望可以写入代码——包括法律代码和计算机代码。这个物理和数字建设的时刻为隐私的法律重建提供了可能性,有可能提供更多的保护,更多的透明度,以及更多的民主参与,以实现平衡....虽然弗格森教授调查的关键在于政府对传感器衍生信息的使用,但传感器监控并不仅仅是政府故意恶意窥探的产物。正如一位评论员所言:“尽管智慧城市技术的预期后果可能是提高效率,但意想不到的后果可能是监控。”偷窥没有科学依据的事实并不会减少偷窥或侵犯隐私的行为。然而,无论大量数据是如何产生的,弗格森教授认为,城市中数字设计的意图很重要:“取决于传感器的配置方式,这些城市环境要么会产生第四条修正案的搜索问题,要么会避免这个问题....。因为数字架构必须从头开始构建,数字产权和社会对隐私的期望可以写入代码——包括法律代码和计算机代码。”通过这一句话,他揭示了他意图的范围——将复杂的法律分析与城市规划相结合。从本质上讲,他所倡导的不仅是避免违反第四修正案,而且是一种更雄心勃勃的基于政策的功利主义模式,这种模式将从第四修正案的剪裁中产生。他断言,通过促进公民参与,这将有利于民主的整体发展。这个回答在很大程度上同意弗格森教授对前瞻性规划的支持——而不仅仅是对一个已决定的案例的回顾——以及他为更功利的过程和更好的城市基础设施创造的潜在标准。然而,正如城市地铁乘客被警告的那样,他需要注意他的预测中的差距,从勒索软件攻击到隐性偏见。此外,他可能会考虑增加一些内容,比如加大防火墙的力度,并加入《第三修正案》作为潜在的加固堡垒。这个答复结构紧凑。一个简短的背景部分框架适用的第四修正案法律之后介绍。下一节更详细地解释了回复与弗格森教授的一致性,需要注意的差距,以及一些建议。它以预期的结论结束。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
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