When right meets left: on the progressive rhetoric of far-right populist parties in Europe

Francesco Duina, D. Carson
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Abstract

The ascendancy of far-right populist parties (FRPPs) in Europe has been nothing short of remarkable. Seen as the ‘fastest-growing party family’ in the continent (Golder, 2016, p. 477), FRPPs have won significant numbers of seats in national elections in recent years and assured for themselves a place in governing coalitions as partners or outright leaders. This has happened in a long and varied list of countries, ranging from Italy to Austria, Switzerland, the Netherlands, Denmark, Norway, Estonia, Latvia, Hungary, Poland, Bulgaria, Croatia and Slovakia.1 Even when electoral successes have not translated into government roles, they have constituted major achievements. In France, for instance, Marine Le Pen’s National Rally (known as National Front until 2018) stunned the political establishment by reaching the final run-offs in the presidential elections, where it lost to Emmanuel Macron’s Forward! party. Meanwhile, in 2017, the Alternative for Germany won seats in 14 of 16 state parliaments, and became the third largest party in the Bundestag (the first time a far-right party secured any seats there since 1957). In Spain, Vox scored an expected victory in the general elections of November 2019 by coming in third. FRPPs have done well at the EU level too: the Danish People’s Party, the United Kingdom’s UKIP and France’s National Rally scored unprecedented victories – for instance, at the 2014 European Parliament elections (Brack, 2015). While the subsequent elections in 2019 did not represent major victories for all major FRPPs, they did so for the Alternative for Germany, France’s National Rally and Italy’s League. These successes have had consequences. From immigration to taxation to support for the EU, FRPPs have directly shaped programs and priorities. They have also forced parties from the center to veer to the right to retain voters. Chancellor Angela Merkel’s reversal of her 2015 open-door immigration policy for Germany offers a good example. The victories have also helped relegate historically dominant mainstream parties to secondary roles, as in France and Italy. The rise of FRPPs has logically puzzled casual observers and academics alike. What can explain it? Numerous accounts have been offered. Media commentators have stressed factors such as economic distress, immigration and fears of cultural and identity dilution (Aisch, Pearce & Rousseau, 2017; Der Spiegel, 2010; Lebor, 2016; New York Times, 2016). Academic arguments point to these and other factors (Carter, 2005; Cochrane & Nevitte, 2014; Lubbers & Coenders, 2017; Mieriņa & Koroļeva, 2015; Stockemer, 2017). For example, Golder (2016) offers a useful categorization of those arguments, in line with previous research (see Halikiopoulou, Mock, & Vasilopoulou, 2013; Kitschelt, 1995; Norris, 2005; Van der Brug, Fennema, & Tillie, 2005). He identifies ‘supply-side’ argu-
当右翼与左翼相遇:关于欧洲极右翼民粹主义政党的进步言论
极右翼民粹主义政党(FRPPs)在欧洲的崛起可谓引人注目。frpp被视为非洲大陆“增长最快的政党家族”(Golder, 2016,第477页),近年来在全国选举中赢得了大量席位,并确保自己作为合作伙伴或直接领导人在执政联盟中占有一席之地。这种情况发生在一长串不同的国家,从意大利到奥地利、瑞士、荷兰、丹麦、挪威、爱沙尼亚、拉脱维亚、匈牙利、波兰、保加利亚、克罗地亚和斯洛伐克。即使选举的成功没有转化为政府的角色,它们也构成了重大成就。例如,在法国,马琳·勒庞(Marine Le Pen)的国民集会(National Rally)(在2018年之前被称为国民阵线(National Front))进入了总统选举的最后一轮决选,震惊了政治建制派,最终输给了埃马纽埃尔·马克龙(Emmanuel Macron)的前进!聚会,派对与此同时,2017年,德国新选择党赢得了16个州议会中的14个席位,成为德国联邦议院第三大党(这是自1957年以来极右翼政党首次获得席位)。在西班牙,Vox在2019年11月的大选中取得了预期的胜利,排名第三。frpp在欧盟层面也表现出色:丹麦人民党、英国独立党和法国国民大会党取得了前所未有的胜利——例如,在2014年欧洲议会选举中(Brack, 2015)。尽管随后在2019年的选举中,并不是所有主要右翼政党都取得了重大胜利,但德国新选择党、法国全国集会党和意大利联盟党取得了重大胜利。这些成功产生了后果。从移民到税收再到对欧盟的支持,frpp直接影响了计划和优先事项。他们还迫使中间派政党转向右翼以留住选民。德国总理安格拉•默克尔(Angela Merkel)改变2015年对德国开放移民政策就是一个很好的例子。这些胜利也让历史上占主导地位的主流政党退居次要地位,比如在法国和意大利。frpp的兴起在逻辑上让普通观察者和学者都感到困惑。怎么解释呢?人们提供了许多说法。媒体评论员强调了经济困境、移民以及对文化和身份稀释的恐惧等因素(Aisch, Pearce & Rousseau, 2017;明镜周刊,2010;Lebor, 2016;纽约时报,2016)。学术论点指出了这些和其他因素(Carter, 2005;Cochrane & Nevitte, 2014;《Lubbers & Coenders》,2017;Mieriņa & Koroļeva, 2015;Stockemer, 2017)。例如,Golder(2016)对这些论点进行了有用的分类,与之前的研究一致(见halkiopoulou, Mock, & Vasilopoulou, 2013;Kitschelt, 1995;诺里斯,2005;Van der Brug, Fennema, & Tillie, 2005)。他提出了“供给侧”的观点
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