If you Kill the County Head, how will I Explain it to the Communist Party?

B. Weiner
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Abstract

This chapter examines efforts by the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) in the very early months and years of the People's Republic of China to consolidate its control over Amdo's vast terrain and attract the support of its diverse inhabitants. Far from a comprehensive history of Qinghai during this transitional period, it focuses on the CCP's immediate motives and methods for wooing Tibetan elites—who not only were members of Amdo's “feudal ruling class” but with few exceptions had been implicated in the Ma regime—into a “patriotic United Front.” In doing so, CCP leaders made a distinction between hardline “bandits and spies” and Tibetan and Mongol chieftains and religious leaders. Even in the case of headmen “hoodwinked” into taking up arms against the CCP, Party leaders insisted that open resistance should not be treated as a manifestation of class struggle but as the residual effect of centuries of nationality exploitation. The chapter then considers the responses of several members of the Tibetan elite to the Party's United Front overtures.
如果你杀了县长,我怎么向共产党解释?
本章考察了中国共产党(CCP)在中华人民共和国成立的最初几个月和几年里为巩固其对安多广阔地区的控制并吸引其多样化居民的支持所做的努力。这本书并没有全面描述青海在这一过渡时期的历史,而是把重点放在中共拉拢西藏精英的直接动机和方法上——这些人不仅是安多“封建统治阶级”的成员,而且很少有例外与马政权有关联——加入“爱国统一战线”。在这样做的过程中,中共领导人将强硬的“土匪和间谍”与西藏和蒙古酋长和宗教领袖区分开来。即使在首领们“被蒙骗”拿起武器反抗中共的情况下,中共领导人也坚持认为,公开抵抗不应被视为阶级斗争的表现,而应被视为几个世纪以来民族剥削的残余影响。然后,这一章考虑了几位西藏精英成员对党的统一战线提议的反应。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
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