Should a Liberal State Ban the Burqa?

B. Robshaw
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引用次数: 1

Abstract

This thesis concerns the problem of whether a liberal state should – for liberal reasons – ban the wearing of the burqa in public. The core of the problem is that liberalism appears to pull in two opposed directions on this question. On the one hand, liberals strongly support religious tolerance and the burqa is seen by many, including most of those who wear it, as a religious commitment; and even if it is not a religious commitment it may still be a personal choice, and liberals strongly support enabling personal choice. On the other hand, liberals are committed to supporting equal rights and freedoms for both sexes, and the gender asymmetry of the burqa (women wear it, men don’t) combined with the fact that habitually covering one’s face in public is liable to cause disadvantages in personal, social and professional life, look like good reasons for opposing it; moreover liberals value personal autonomy, which may be compromised if the burqa is worn in response to cultural pressure. The issue thus exposes a tension within liberalism. A central element of my approach is the disentangling of a number of connected but separate strands of the problem. Thus I consider: different conceptions of liberalism and how they affect the response to the question; whether paternalism on grounds of welfare can be justified within liberalism and if so whether it would justify intervention in the specific case of the burqa; the value of personal autonomy within liberalism and whether a concern to safeguard or promote it could justify a burqa ban; the problem of adaptive preference and whether a socially influenced choice counts as a genuine preference; the role of multiculturalism in liberalism and to what extent it could justify exemptions; gender issues and feminism; the problem of coerced wearing of the burqa; and the problem of how likely it would be that a ban, even if justified in principle, would prove efficacious in achieving its end. The conclusion to the thesis is that banning the burqa in a liberal state is unlikely to be justified. It could not be justified in terms of the welfare or autonomy of the individual who voluntarily wears it. It could only be justified on the grounds of harm to others. It might, for example, theoretically be justified if coerced wearing of the burqa were widespread. This would be regrettable, however, as it would override the free choice of those who wore it voluntarily. Empirical evidence that such coercion was occurring would be necessary; and such a ban could only be justified if there were no other, equally efficacious and better targeted means of preventing coercion.
自由国家应该禁止布卡吗?
这篇论文关注的问题是,一个自由的国家是否应该——出于自由的原因——禁止在公共场合穿罩袍。问题的核心在于,自由主义似乎在这个问题上拉向了两个相反的方向。一方面,自由主义者强烈支持宗教宽容,许多人,包括大多数穿布卡的人,都认为布卡是一种宗教承诺;即使它不是一种宗教承诺,它也可能是一种个人选择,自由主义者强烈支持允许个人选择。另一方面,自由主义者致力于支持两性平等的权利和自由,而布卡的性别不对称(女性穿它,男性不穿),加上在公共场合习惯性地遮住脸容易在个人、社会和职业生活中造成不利的事实,看起来是反对它的好理由;此外,自由主义者重视个人自主权,如果为了应对文化压力而穿着布卡,个人自主权可能会受到损害。因此,这个问题暴露了自由主义内部的紧张关系。我的方法的一个核心要素是解开问题的一些相互联系但又相互独立的部分。因此,我考虑:自由主义的不同概念以及它们如何影响对这个问题的回应;基于福利的家长主义是否可以在自由主义中被证明是合理的,如果可以,它是否可以证明干预布卡的具体情况是合理的;自由主义中个人自主权的价值,以及出于维护或促进个人自主权的考虑,是否可以为布卡禁令辩护;适应性偏好的问题,以及受社会影响的选择是否算作真正的偏好;多元文化主义在自由主义中的作用,以及它在多大程度上可以为豁免辩护;性别问题与女权主义;强迫穿罩袍的问题;还有一个问题是,即使禁令在原则上是合理的,它在实现目标方面被证明是有效的可能性有多大。这篇论文的结论是,在一个自由国家禁止布卡不太可能是正当的。从自愿佩戴它的个人的福利或自主性来看,它是不合理的。它只能以伤害他人为理由。例如,如果强迫人们普遍穿罩袍,从理论上讲,这可能是合理的。然而,这将是令人遗憾的,因为它将推翻那些自愿佩戴它的人的自由选择。必须有经验证据证明这种强制正在发生;只有在没有其他同样有效和更有针对性的防止胁迫手段的情况下,这种禁令才有理由。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
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