Sticks and Stones, The Words That Hurt: Entrenched Stereotypes Eight Years after 9/11

Sahar F. Aziz
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Targeted law enforcement efforts and media images stereotyping dark-skinned, bearded males with Arabic-sounding names as representing the primary threat to the national security of the United States contribute to racial, national origin, and religious harassment in the workplace.In the years immediately following the September 11th terrorist attacks, hate crimes and other forms of discrimination against these communities were on the rise at a troubling rate. For the last months of 2001, the FBI reported a 1500% increase in hate crimes against “people of Middle Eastern descent, Muslims, and South Asian Sikhs, who are often mistaken for Muslim” from 28 in 2000 to 481 in 2001. The New York City Police Department received 117 reports of hate crimes against Arab- and Muslim-Americans in the first six months after the attacks, compared to an average of seven hate crime reports per year before 2001. The American-Arab Anti-Discrimination Committee (“ADC”) reported over 700 violent incidents targeting Arab Americans, Muslims, and South Asians or those perceived as such in the first nine weeks following the September 11th terrorist attacks. ADC also documented several murders, 165 violent incidents from January 1, 2002 to October 11, 2002, over eighty cases of illegal and discriminatory removal of passengers from aircrafts based on the passenger’s perceived ethnicity, and over 800 cases of employment discrimination against Arab Americans from September 11, 2001 to October 11, 2002. Similarly, the Council on American-Islamic Relations reported 1717 complaints of discrimination by Muslims in the first six months after September 11.Notwithstanding the passage of eight years, “post-9/11 discrimination” persists, most profoundly in the workplace. While the volume of cases has seemingly decreased, negative stereotypes of Muslims and Arabs have become entrenched into popular culture and consequently more prevalent in the workplace. One need only recall the 2008 presidential elections where allegations that Barack Obama was a Muslim or Arab were in effect racial slurs and ethnic epithets. Months after Barack Obama’s inauguration, anti-Muslim sentiment continues in the form of the growing “Birther” movement challenging the validity of President Obama’s Hawaiian birth certificate, and ultimately the legitimacy of his presidency, on grounds that he is a closeted Muslim born in a Muslim country. Despite the spuriousness of the allegations, the popularity of the Birther movement suggests that suspicion and distrust of Muslims in America will continue for years to come.Litigation of civil rights employment claims, both under Title VII and 42 U.S.C. § 1981 et seq, offers an effective means of countering entrenched bias in the workplace. 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To highlight the misconceptions and fallacies perpetuated by the racial slurs, Part III offers a general introduction to the Arab, Muslim, Middle Eastern, Sikh, and South Asian communities in the United States. Part IV discusses the availability of national origin and ethnic origin as a basis of liability under Title VII. Part V explains the theories of liability under which a plaintiff may pursue a hostile work environment claim on the basis of national origin or ethnic origin. Included is an analysis of the myriad of cases filed since September 11, 2001 that involve allegations of discrimination against Arabs, Muslims, Middle Easterners, Sikhs, or South Asians. 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引用次数: 19

Abstract

In the realm of adults, name-calling is often a fact of life that one simply brushes off like water rolls off a duck’s back. At some point, however, racial slurs and ethnic epithets hurled at employees constitute actionable discrimination rooted in palpable and entrenched stereotypes. In the case of Muslims, Arabs, and South Asians, the September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks not only caused an upsurge in hatred, violence, and discrimination, but also entrenched preexisting negative stereotypes. Targeted law enforcement efforts and media images stereotyping dark-skinned, bearded males with Arabic-sounding names as representing the primary threat to the national security of the United States contribute to racial, national origin, and religious harassment in the workplace.In the years immediately following the September 11th terrorist attacks, hate crimes and other forms of discrimination against these communities were on the rise at a troubling rate. For the last months of 2001, the FBI reported a 1500% increase in hate crimes against “people of Middle Eastern descent, Muslims, and South Asian Sikhs, who are often mistaken for Muslim” from 28 in 2000 to 481 in 2001. The New York City Police Department received 117 reports of hate crimes against Arab- and Muslim-Americans in the first six months after the attacks, compared to an average of seven hate crime reports per year before 2001. The American-Arab Anti-Discrimination Committee (“ADC”) reported over 700 violent incidents targeting Arab Americans, Muslims, and South Asians or those perceived as such in the first nine weeks following the September 11th terrorist attacks. ADC also documented several murders, 165 violent incidents from January 1, 2002 to October 11, 2002, over eighty cases of illegal and discriminatory removal of passengers from aircrafts based on the passenger’s perceived ethnicity, and over 800 cases of employment discrimination against Arab Americans from September 11, 2001 to October 11, 2002. Similarly, the Council on American-Islamic Relations reported 1717 complaints of discrimination by Muslims in the first six months after September 11.Notwithstanding the passage of eight years, “post-9/11 discrimination” persists, most profoundly in the workplace. While the volume of cases has seemingly decreased, negative stereotypes of Muslims and Arabs have become entrenched into popular culture and consequently more prevalent in the workplace. One need only recall the 2008 presidential elections where allegations that Barack Obama was a Muslim or Arab were in effect racial slurs and ethnic epithets. Months after Barack Obama’s inauguration, anti-Muslim sentiment continues in the form of the growing “Birther” movement challenging the validity of President Obama’s Hawaiian birth certificate, and ultimately the legitimacy of his presidency, on grounds that he is a closeted Muslim born in a Muslim country. Despite the spuriousness of the allegations, the popularity of the Birther movement suggests that suspicion and distrust of Muslims in America will continue for years to come.Litigation of civil rights employment claims, both under Title VII and 42 U.S.C. § 1981 et seq, offers an effective means of countering entrenched bias in the workplace. In addition to providing remedies to plaintiffs harmed by employment discrimination, such cases offer a powerful disincentive to employers who permit their workplace to become infested with insidious stereotypes against Muslims, Arabs, or South Asians.Accordingly, this Article provides the legal framework for pursuing such claims. Part I lays out the theoretical backdrop of how immigrants and racial minorities have historically been targeted as a result of a misguided Eurocentric definition of “American.” Though Arabs, Muslims, and South Asians have historically experienced the adverse effects of such narrow and exclusive definitions of citizenship, the terrorist attacks directed long-standing nativist bias to these groups and permanently racialized them. Part II discusses how governmental racial profiling and targeted law enforcement action legitimizes private bias that is ultimately manifested as workplace harassment. To highlight the misconceptions and fallacies perpetuated by the racial slurs, Part III offers a general introduction to the Arab, Muslim, Middle Eastern, Sikh, and South Asian communities in the United States. Part IV discusses the availability of national origin and ethnic origin as a basis of liability under Title VII. Part V explains the theories of liability under which a plaintiff may pursue a hostile work environment claim on the basis of national origin or ethnic origin. Included is an analysis of the myriad of cases filed since September 11, 2001 that involve allegations of discrimination against Arabs, Muslims, Middle Easterners, Sikhs, or South Asians. Finally, the Article concludes by arguing that national or ethnic origin harassment expressed through accusations of being a terrorist, ethnic slurs about an employee’s Arab heritage, and allegations of condoning violence based on a profession of the Islamic faith are all results of the racialization of Arabs, Muslims, and South Asians as the “terrorist other” and the entrenchment of stereotypes that have surpassed being merely backlash.
棍棒和石头,伤人的话:911事件八年后根深蒂固的刻板印象
在成年人的世界里,辱骂往往是生活中的一个事实,人们会像水从鸭子背上滚下来一样轻易地置之不理。然而,在某种程度上,对员工的种族侮辱和种族蔑称构成了可起诉的歧视,这种歧视根植于明显而根深蒂固的刻板印象。就穆斯林、阿拉伯人和南亚人而言,2001年9月11日的恐怖袭击不仅引起了仇恨、暴力和歧视的高涨,而且巩固了先前存在的负面刻板印象。有针对性的执法努力和媒体形象将深色皮肤、留着胡子、名字听起来像阿拉伯语的男性视为对美国国家安全的主要威胁,导致了工作场所的种族、国籍和宗教骚扰。在911恐怖袭击之后的几年里,针对这些社区的仇恨犯罪和其他形式的歧视以令人不安的速度上升。在2001年的最后几个月,联邦调查局报告说,针对“中东人后裔、穆斯林和南亚锡克教徒(他们经常被误认为是穆斯林)”的仇恨犯罪增加了1500%,从2000年的28起增加到2001年的481起。在9·11袭击发生后的头六个月,纽约市警察局收到了117起针对阿拉伯裔和穆斯林美国人的仇恨犯罪报告,而在2001年之前,每年平均只有7起仇恨犯罪报告。美国-阿拉伯反歧视委员会(American-Arab Anti-Discrimination Committee)报告说,在“9·11”恐怖袭击发生后的头9个星期里,针对阿拉伯裔美国人、穆斯林和南亚人或被视为这些人的暴力事件超过700起。ADC还记录了2002年1月1日至2002年10月11日期间发生的几起谋杀案、165起暴力事件、80多起基于乘客种族的非法和歧视性驱逐乘客的案件,以及2001年9月11日至2002年10月11日期间发生的800多起针对阿拉伯裔美国人的就业歧视案件。同样,美国-伊斯兰关系委员会(Council on American-Islamic Relations)报告称,在911事件发生后的头六个月里,有1717起关于穆斯林歧视的投诉。尽管8年过去了,“后9/11歧视”仍然存在,尤其是在工作场所。虽然案件数量似乎有所减少,但对穆斯林和阿拉伯人的负面刻板印象已根深蒂固地成为流行文化,因此在工作场所更为普遍。人们只需要回想一下2008年的总统选举,当时有关巴拉克•奥巴马(Barack Obama)是穆斯林或阿拉伯人的指控实际上是种族歧视和民族蔑称。巴拉克•奥巴马(Barack Obama)就职几个月后,反穆斯林情绪继续以日益壮大的“出生地质疑”(Birther)运动的形式存在,质疑奥巴马总统夏威夷出生证明的有效性,并最终质疑他担任总统的合法性,理由是他是一个出生在穆斯林国家的未出衣橱的穆斯林。尽管这些指控是虚假的,但“出生地运动”的流行表明,美国对穆斯林的怀疑和不信任将在未来几年持续下去。根据第七章和42 U.S.C.§1981 et seq,民事权利就业索赔诉讼提供了对抗工作场所根深蒂固的偏见的有效手段。除了为受到就业歧视伤害的原告提供补救之外,这些案件还有力地打击了那些允许自己的工作场所充斥着针对穆斯林、阿拉伯人或南亚人的阴险成见的雇主。因此,本条为提出这种要求提供了法律框架。第一部分阐述了移民和少数民族如何在历史上成为“美国人”的错误欧洲中心定义的目标的理论背景。虽然阿拉伯人、穆斯林和南亚人在历史上经历过这种狭隘和排他的公民身份定义的不利影响,但恐怖袭击将长期存在的本土主义偏见指向了这些群体,并将他们永久地种族化。第二部分讨论了政府的种族定性和有针对性的执法行动如何使最终表现为工作场所骚扰的私人偏见合法化。为了强调种族歧视所带来的误解和谬论,第三部分对美国的阿拉伯人、穆斯林、中东人、锡克教徒和南亚人社区进行了概述。第四部分讨论了国籍和种族血统作为第七章规定的责任基础的可行性。第五部分解释了原告可以根据国籍或族裔出身提出敌意工作环境索赔的责任理论。其中包括对2001年9月11日以来提交的无数案件的分析,这些案件涉及对阿拉伯人、穆斯林、中东人、锡克教徒或南亚人的歧视指控。
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