Economic Coercion in an Independent Era: China Responds to the THAAD Crisis

Kacie Miura
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Abstract

China uses economic coercion against smaller commercial partners, as well as large economies that contribute to its own economic success. For example, following South Korea’s deployment in March 2017 of the Terminal High-Altitude Area Defense (THAAD) anti-missile system, China adopted a range of informal economic sanctions. At the subnational level, some local leaders quietly shielded commercial ties to South Korea from escalating political tensions, but many others, despite lacking explicit orders from the center, forced Korean retail stores to close, suspended contracts with Korean investors, and waged anti-Korean media campaigns. What explains this variation in local official participation in foreign economic retaliation? I argue that whether a city’s economy is dependent on commerce with a targeted foreign state, and whether a city’s leaders are politically vulnerable, shape their responses to international political crises.

Utilizing an original dataset of sentiment analysis scores of local official media, I test this theory first in the context of local official management of anti-Korean sentiment, which played an important role in promoting a consumer backlash against Korean goods. I then provide a case study comparison of local leader treatment of South Korean commercial interests in the cities of Xi’an and Chengdu.
独立时代的经济胁迫:中国对萨德危机的回应
中国对较小的商业伙伴以及为其经济成功做出贡献的大型经济体进行经济胁迫。例如,在韩国于2017年3月部署末段高空区域防御系统(THAAD)反导系统之后,中国采取了一系列非正式的经济制裁。在地方一级,一些地方领导人悄悄地保护与韩国的商业关系不受政治紧张局势升级的影响,但还有许多地方领导人,尽管没有得到中央的明确命令,却强迫韩国零售店关闭,暂停与韩国投资者的合同,并发动反韩媒体运动。如何解释地方官员参与外国经济报复的这种差异?我认为,一个城市的经济是否依赖于与目标外国的贸易,以及一个城市的领导人在政治上是否脆弱,都会影响他们对国际政治危机的反应。利用地方官方媒体情绪分析得分的原始数据集,我首先在地方官方管理反韩情绪的背景下测试了这一理论,这在促进消费者对韩国商品的强烈抵制中发挥了重要作用。然后,我提供了一个案例研究,比较西安和成都当地领导人对待韩国商业利益的态度。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
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