Individualistic and Holistic Models of Collective Beliefs and the Role of Rhetoric and Argumentation

Alban Bouvier
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Abstract

The specific problem I address in this paper is the following: as numerous sociologists and anthropologists have noticed (notably Bourdieu), most people, in general, are not very much interested in the specific content of the collective beliefs of their group and do not spend much time evaluating the logical or empirical rationality of, or engaging in discussion about them. These data seem to limit the relevance of any research program focused either on the reconstruction of plausible reasons or on the effective role of reasoning, argumentation and rhetoric in the emergence, transformation and disappearance of collective beliefs (e.g. Raymond Boudon’s and Jon Elster’s programs). Of course, these latter programs have been adapted in order to grasp the complexity of collective beliefs. However, they remain individualistic: they may introduce relations of interaction (or of interdependence) among individuals as well as system of relations or social structures, but they do not take groups in themselves into account (except in cases groups can be viewed as acting as individual units of action). Currently, new holistic and allegedly holistic models of collective beliefs are the center of many debates, especially in social philosophy but also increasingly in social psychology, political sciences and economics, in continuity, in particular, with the work of Raimo Tuomela, Philip Pettit and Margaret Gilbert. I will argue a) that certain recent allegedly holistic models – distinct from the classical models of interiorized social pressure – provide fruitful hypotheses for the understanding of collective beliefs because they are focused on the specific properties of groups; and b) that they are nevertheless compatible with individualist assumptions in Max Weber’s – or Vilfredo Pareto’s – sense and that they should be used in conjunction with a range of various individualistic models. I will also argue that all these models make sense as long as one focuses on effective argumentative and rhetoric procedures as Vilfredo Pareto did one century ago. 1
集体信仰的个人主义和整体模式以及修辞和论证的作用
我在本文中提出的具体问题如下:正如许多社会学家和人类学家(尤其是布迪厄)所注意到的那样,一般来说,大多数人对他们群体的集体信仰的具体内容不太感兴趣,也不会花太多时间评估其逻辑或经验合理性,或参与有关它们的讨论。这些数据似乎限制了任何研究项目的相关性,这些研究项目要么专注于貌似合理的理由的重建,要么专注于推理、论证和修辞在集体信仰的出现、转变和消失中的有效作用(例如Raymond Boudon和Jon Elster的项目)。当然,为了掌握集体信仰的复杂性,这些后一种方案已经被修改。然而,它们仍然是个人主义的:它们可能在个人之间以及关系系统或社会结构之间引入相互作用(或相互依存)的关系,但它们本身不考虑群体(除非群体可以被视为作为个体行动单位行事)。目前,新的整体和所谓的整体集体信仰模型是许多争论的中心,特别是在社会哲学中,但也越来越多地在社会心理学,政治学和经济学中,特别是在连续性方面,特别是在Raimo Tuomela, Philip Pettit和Margaret Gilbert的工作中。我将论证a)最近某些所谓的整体模型——不同于内在化社会压力的经典模型——为理解集体信仰提供了富有成效的假设,因为它们关注群体的具体属性;b)尽管如此,它们与马克斯•韦伯(Max Weber)或维尔弗雷多•帕累托(Vilfredo Pareto)的个人主义假设是相容的,它们应该与一系列不同的个人主义模型结合使用。我还会说,只要人们关注有效的辩论和修辞程序,所有这些模型都是有意义的,就像一个世纪前维尔弗雷多·帕累托所做的那样。1
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