Disrupting Media and Politics

Julianne Schultz
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Abstract

This chapter explores how, as the traditional media has become weaker due to digital disruption, falling profitability, and audience fragmentation, the political ecosystem in Australia has also eroded. Significant job losses have reduced the scale of public interest journalism, and the frantic attention-seeking of the 24-hour news cycle has contributed to a perception of chaos in politics. This is manifest in frequent changes of prime minister outside the electoral cycle, and in polarization of opinion and comment online and in traditional media designed to increase impact. Commercial media has long embraced a quasi-institutional role and been happy to use this stature, but has resisted external regulation. Self-regulation of the press and institutional oversight of broadcasting self-regulation are relatively weak; social media and online platforms are not regulated; and the implied right to freedom of political speech, the bedrock of the media’s unique political role, was only ‘found’ by the High Court in 1997. This chapter argues that effective regulation, which addresses the needs of citizens as well as consumers, and other interventions including strengthening public broadcasting and securing legislative (even constitutional) recognition of the democratic value of media freedom are required to invigorate a robust political ecosystem.
扰乱媒体和政治
本章探讨了传统媒体由于数字颠覆、盈利能力下降和受众分散而变得越来越弱,澳大利亚的政治生态系统也受到了侵蚀。大量的失业减少了公共利益新闻的规模,24小时新闻周期的疯狂关注也导致了一种政治混乱的感觉。这体现在选举周期之外总理的频繁更换,以及在线和传统媒体旨在增加影响力的意见和评论的两极分化。商业媒体长期以来一直扮演着准机构的角色,并乐于利用这一地位,但一直抵制外部监管。新闻自律和广播自律的机构监督相对薄弱;社交媒体和在线平台不受监管;而隐含的政治言论自由权——媒体独特政治角色的基石——直到1997年才被高等法院“发现”。本章认为,要激活一个强大的政治生态系统,需要有效的监管,以满足公民和消费者的需求,以及其他干预措施,包括加强公共广播和确保立法(甚至宪法)承认媒体自由的民主价值。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
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