Advanced Sultanism: A Category Emerges

Christopher M. Davidson
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Abstract

The first of two summary discussions, this chapter begins by assessing the extent to which MBS and MBZ’s regimes converge or diverge with other examples of contemporary sultanism. With regard to convergence, it notes: their political patronage networks; their dominance over economic affairs; the extent to which their extended families have served as surrogates for ruling parties; their tightening up of almost all civil society and media organizations; their increasing control over military forces and security services (including the development of more potent praetorian guards); the apparently non-ideological nature of their regimes; and—with some caveats—their erection of personal charismatic façades. With regard to divergence, it notes: Saudi Arabia and the UAE’s relatively well-performing health and education systems; their advances in women’s access to education and health; their fairly positive economic development indicators; their strong global economic integration; and what seems to have been a genuine reduction in corruption. Seeking to explain these divergences, the chapter suggests that Saudi Arabia and the UAE’s rentier state legacies combined with their continuing use of Western and other advanced economy consultants are key to understanding MBS and MBZ’s more ‘advanced’ strain of sultanism. In this context, ‘advanced sultanism’ is posited as an important new sub-set of contemporary sultanism.
高级苏丹主义:一个范畴的出现
本章是两个总结讨论中的第一个,首先评估MBS和MBZ的政权与当代苏丹主义的其他例子趋同或分歧的程度。关于趋同,报告指出:他们的政治赞助网络;他们对经济事务的支配;他们的大家庭在多大程度上充当了执政党的代理人;他们收紧了几乎所有的公民社会和媒体组织;加强对军队和安全部门的控制(包括发展更强大的禁卫军);他们政权明显的非意识形态性质;而且,在一些警告下,他们树立了个人魅力的形象。关于差异,报告指出:沙特阿拉伯和阿联酋的卫生和教育系统表现相对较好;在妇女获得教育和保健方面取得的进展;经济发展指标较为积极;强大的全球经济一体化;而且腐败似乎确实减少了。为了解释这些分歧,本章提出,沙特阿拉伯和阿联酋的食利国家遗产,以及它们继续使用西方和其他先进的经济顾问,是理解MBS和MBZ更“先进”的苏丹主义的关键。在这种背景下,“高级苏丹主义”被认为是当代苏丹主义的一个重要的新子集。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
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