THE OUTLOOK ON THE TURKEY’S FOREIGN POLICY FROM DIFFERENT PARADIGMS OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

D. Grafov
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Abstract

The article is attempt to evaluate the foreign policy of Turkey from the key paradigms of international relations: liberalism, constructivism, realism, neorealism and neoclassical realism. Turkish military power actively involved in Syria, Iraq, Libya, the Eastern Mediterranean, the South Caucasus with the intention to alter the existing power distribution. This may be considered as signs of the offensive realism strategy. Offensive realism asserts that states willing to use force to advance their own interests, and the survival in the international system requires to maximize power. Defensive neorealism holds that aggressive expansion collides with the interests of other states and their desire to ensure their own security in the first place. According to the balance of power theory, the expansion and maximization of power reduces the security of an offensive state by countering a coalition of balancing states. But in the case of Turkey, there are no signs of emerging a counterbalance coalition, and this is «know-how» of Erdogan’s policy. From the liberal perspective, also, there are no signs of countering of the internal and external liberal determinants (Turkish civil society, NATO’s policy, affairs with liberal allies) of Turkey’s foreign policy. The deadlock of joining Turkey to the EU and abolition of Ataturk’s secular and republican guidelines are signs of failure of liberal approach to Erdogan’s foreign policy. Turkey’s offensive policy, ignited nostalgia for the Ottoman Empire, means the inability of international institutional cooperation to overcome anarchy and power maximizing instinct. From the constructivist perspective, the social structure affects the decision- making process. And this is confirmed in Turkey. Expansionism and resentment of historical injustice towards Turkey are necessary to strengthen Erdogan’s power and legitimize it. Constructivist approach may explain the meaning Turkish, Turkic and Neo- Ottoman identities. Identities and interests mutually constitute and effect foreign- policy behavior. And Erdogan shapes identities in the state and beyond on the basis of the interests of the of the power. Neoclassical realism approach may be useful in the analysis of Turkish foreign policy too. It underlines importance of a state’s domestic arrangements, particularly decisionmakers’ perceptions. And, of course, Erdogan’s perception is crucial for foreign policy. Perceptions usually tend to follow the actual distribution of power, but in the case of Erdogan’s aggressive policy, there is a risk of misjudgment, when long-term trends are hidden behind short-term perceptions. The main emphasis of article is on attempts to determine Erdogan’s strategy and examine it from the standpoint of offensive (realism) / defensive (neoralism) approach of international relations, and evaluate its effectiveness. Erdogan has created a multipolar balancing structure of foreign relations, in which Turkish rivals restrain each other. This structure is similar to a pentahedron with Turkey in the center and its main rivals- partners on the tops. Erdogan, shifting closer to one top or another one, can effectively bargain using threats with other rivals.
从不同的国际关系范式看土耳其的外交政策
本文试图从自由主义、建构主义、现实主义、新现实主义和新古典现实主义等国际关系的主要范式来评价土耳其的外交政策。土耳其军事力量积极介入叙利亚、伊拉克、利比亚、东地中海、南高加索地区,意图改变现有的力量分配。这可以看作是进攻性现实主义战略的标志。进攻性现实主义主张,愿意使用武力推进自身利益的国家,要想在国际体系中生存,就必须将权力最大化。防御性新现实主义认为,咄咄逼人的扩张与其他国家的利益以及它们首先要确保自身安全的愿望相冲突。根据权力平衡理论,权力的扩张和最大化通过对抗平衡国家的联盟来降低进攻性国家的安全。但就土耳其而言,没有迹象表明会出现一个制衡联盟,这是埃尔多安政策的“诀窍”。从自由主义的角度来看,也没有迹象表明土耳其外交政策的内部和外部自由主义决定因素(土耳其公民社会、北约的政策、与自由主义盟友的事务)会受到抵制。土耳其加入欧盟的僵局,以及废除阿塔图尔克的世俗和共和指导方针,都是埃尔多安外交政策的自由主义方法失败的迹象。土耳其的进攻政策引发了对奥斯曼帝国的怀念,这意味着国际机构合作无法克服无政府状态和权力最大化的本能。从建构主义的观点来看,社会结构影响决策过程。这在土耳其得到了证实。扩张主义和对土耳其历史不公的怨恨是加强埃尔多安权力并使其合法化的必要条件。建构主义方法可以解释土耳其、突厥和新奥斯曼身份的意义。身份和利益相互构成和影响外交政策行为。埃尔多安在权力利益的基础上塑造了国家内外的身份。新古典现实主义方法在分析土耳其外交政策时也可能有用。它强调了一个国家国内安排的重要性,尤其是决策者的看法。当然,埃尔多安的看法对外交政策至关重要。人们的看法通常倾向于跟随权力的实际分配,但就埃尔多安的激进政策而言,当长期趋势隐藏在短期看法背后时,就有误判的风险。本文的主要重点是试图确定埃尔多安的战略,并从国际关系的进攻(现实主义)/防御(新主义)方法的角度来审视它,并评估其有效性。埃尔多安创造了一个多极的外交关系平衡结构,在这个结构中,土耳其的对手相互制约。这种结构类似于一个五面体,土耳其在中心,其主要竞争对手-合作伙伴在顶部。埃尔多安向一个或另一个高层靠拢,可以有效地利用威胁与其他竞争对手讨价还价。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
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