Think tanks and the politics of climate change

D. Plehwe
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引用次数: 1

Abstract

In pluralist accounts, in deliberation minded and civil society-oriented scholarship think tanks are considered relevant because of their constructive role in policy related knowledge generation. They are held to establish and enable expertise from diverse stakeholders and multiple angles, and to successfully feed the policy process by way of addressing the media and particular audiences. The environmental policy field in general and climate change mitigation in particular allows observing a less benign and wider range of roles and functions of think tanks in multiple conflict constellations. In light of militant policy battles think tanks amass relevance with regard to a more fundamental transformation of policy fields and political institutions. Conflict theoretical and power sensitive approaches also suggest an increasing need to relate the work and role of think tanks and expert knowledge in general in quite agnostic ways to political struggles of competing discourse coalitions that frequently rely not only on innovative and problem-solving research, but also on destructive strategies of “ knowledge shaping ” and “strategic ignorance ” ( Bonds 2011, McGeoy 2018). To illustrate both the participatory-democratic and post-democratic-technocratic potential of policy think tanks this chapter will go back to the post-WW II origins of academic and partisan think tanks in the emerging field of environmental studies. The advancing field of climate science in conjunction with the growing concern over ecological degradation eventually led to the co-constitution of both radical ecology and aggressive corporate and neoliberal defenders of fossil industries and life style. The development of the climate change mitigation struggle needs to recognize movement-counter-movement dynamics that play out heavily in the field of policy related expertise and the academic sphere. It turns out that current vitriol in climate change mitigation debates cannot simply be attributed to the abuse of science and fake news. Evidence instead points to the far-ranging transformation of the “ global knowledge power structure ” (Susan Strange 1988) in past decades, and of a range of national and international governance structures, in which the rising number of policy-think-tanks have come to play an ever more important role.
智囊团和气候变化的政治
在多元主义的解释中,在深思熟虑和以公民社会为导向的学术中,智库被认为是相关的,因为它们在与政策有关的知识产生方面发挥了建设性作用。举办这些会议是为了从不同的利益攸关方和多角度建立和实现专门知识,并通过向媒体和特定受众发表讲话,成功地推动政策进程。在一般环境政策领域,特别是在减缓气候变化领域,可以观察到智库在多个冲突星座中的作用和职能不那么良性,但范围更广。鉴于激烈的政策斗争,智库在政策领域和政治制度的更根本转变方面积累了相关性。冲突理论和权力敏感方法也表明,越来越需要以相当不可知论的方式将智库和专家知识的工作和作用与竞争话语联盟的政治斗争联系起来,这种斗争往往不仅依赖于创新和解决问题的研究,还依赖于“知识塑造”和“战略无知”的破坏性策略(Bonds 2011, McGeoy 2018)。为了说明政策智库的参与式民主和后民主技术官僚的潜力,本章将回到二战后的学术和党派智库在新兴的环境研究领域的起源。气候科学领域的发展与对生态退化的日益关注相结合,最终导致了激进生态学与激进的企业和新自由主义的共同构成,这些企业和新自由主义为化石工业和生活方式辩护。减缓气候变化斗争的发展需要认识到在与政策有关的专门知识领域和学术领域大量发挥作用的运动-反运动动态。事实证明,目前在减缓气候变化的辩论中出现的尖刻言论不能简单地归咎于滥用科学和假新闻。相反,证据指向了过去几十年来“全球知识权力结构”(Susan Strange 1988)的广泛转变,以及一系列国家和国际治理结构的转变,在这些结构中,越来越多的政策智库开始发挥越来越重要的作用。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
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