Validacija skale kozmopolitizma: empirijska verifikacija konceptualnog okvira kulturnoga kozmopolitizma

Sara Čović, Ivan Puzek
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Within the social sciences, a significant interest in a more specific definition and conceptualisation of cosmopolitanism emerged in the second half of the 20th century. However, numerous theoretical discussions since then have not yet offered such a definition of the concept. An additional problem lies in the fact that those theoretical discussions, which defined multiple aspects and types of cosmopolitanism, are not accompanied by a corresponding number of empirical research. By considering previous theoretical and empirical research on the topic, this paper aims to offer a clearer conceptualisation and operationalisation of cosmopolitanism, with the focus on constructing a valid instrument for its measurement. While it is difficult to offer a clear and unambiguous theoretical definition of cosmopolitanism, most researchers have moved in the direction of a clearer definition of certain aspects of the concept. There were a few attempts of such conceptualisation that have been met with wider acclamation, some of which were more complex and some simpler. Vertovec and Cohen (2002) established the most sophisticated conceptualisation by defining cosmopolitanism as a sociocultural condition, a philosophy or worldview, a political project, an attitude or disposition, and a practice or competence. With the aim of capturing multiple aspects of the concept, Boucher, Aubert and de Latour (2019) defined four types of cosmopolitanism: moral, institutional, civil and cultural. Furthermore, Delanty (2009) offered a different approach by distinguishing moral, political and cultural cosmopolitanism. The various definitions agree, however, on including the political and the cultural aspects of cosmopolitanism. Therefore, this paper is based on the robust typology offered by Hannerz (2006), which distinguishes between the cultural and political faces of cosmopolitanism. The author sees the political face of the concept as the one that tries to solve macro problems of human, economic, legal, environmental and other processes that transcend nation-state borders. Hannerz (2006) defines the cultural face as an identity characteristic of individuals who enjoy new cultures, people, tastes, sounds and the like. The cultural dimension of cosmopolitanism, which arises from the awareness and practices of individuals, is the focus of this research. It is important to mention that numerous researchers define certain types (banal, patriotic, thin, ordinary) of cosmopolitanism. However, it is questionable to what extent the determination of such types contributes to a clearer understanding of the concept, especially when they are defined solely on the basis of theoretical considerations. Before establishing the framework for the empirical research, it was important to clarify the source of contemporary cosmopolitanism. Most researchers link cosmopolitanism to globalisation processes. Beck and Sznaider (2010) explain globalisation as processes that take place “out there” in the world and define cosmopolitanism as “globalization from within”, a process that is closely related to globalisation but takes place within society. Such a connection becomes questionable when the terms glocalisation, which includes micro as well as macro processes, and segmented globalisation, which refers to the different dynamics by which globalisation occurs in places around the world, are introduced into the discourse. These concepts also suggest that all individuals involved in globalisation trends will express cosmopolitan views, which is not the case. On the other hand, Roudometof (2005) emphasises the link between cosmopolitanism and transnationalism, a view that is elaborated in this paper. The author defines the concept of transnationalism as a social condition that arises in the stage of internal globalisation and is not influenced by the emotions and attitudes of individuals but its most important feature is that it can stimulate individuals to develop an open attitude, that is, cosmopolitanism, or a defensive attitude towards differences. The lack of a clear theoretical definition of cosmopolitanism has influenced the disproportion between the theoretical considerations and empirical research of the concept. One part of the researchers used secondary data to examine attitudes about cosmopolitanism in a certain population. These studies have led to important insights, but they have not contributed to the creation of a valid and reliable instrument for measuring cosmopolitanism. Another problem with such research is that it is conducted using data that are focused on examining other concepts. One such example is the study by Olofsson and Öhman (2007), where the authors interpreted views contrary to nationalism as cosmopolitan views. The other part of empirical research on the subject of cosmopolitanism is focused on constructing an instrument for its measurement. While most such studies were conducted to explore a particular aspect of the concept, Saran and Kalliny (2012) offered an instrument to measure general cosmopolitan attitudes, values, and practices within a particular population. The authors first conducted interviews, the results of which were used to construct questions for the survey. After collecting survey data, the authors defined a valid and reliable, one-dimensional 14-item scale of cosmopolitanism by conducting exploratory and confirmatory factor analysis. The findings of other authors pointed to the connection between cosmopolitanism and other concepts like transnational experiences, political orientation, and sociodemographic characteristics. The empirical part of this research aimed to define a valid and reliable instrument for measuring the presence of cosmopolitanism in a given population. For this purpose, the scale offered by Saran and Kalliny (2012) was used in a slightly modified form to further test its construct validity, reliability and applicability. The instrument was tested on the student population of the University of Zadar via an online survey in October 2020. In addition to the cosmopolitanism scale, the questionnaire contained questions about the number of countries the respondents had visited, the number of foreign languages they spoke, their political orientation, their support for general human rights and certain sociodemographic characteristics, with the purpose of testing the convergent validity of the instrument. In order to determine the metrics of the cosmopolitanism scale, bivariate (correlation analysis) and multivariate statistical procedures (exploratory factor analysis, confirmatory factor analysis and multiple regression analysis) were conducted in the statistical programming language R. First, exploratory factor analysis was performed on the cosmopolitanism scale with parallel analysis as a factor retention method, which extracted one 13-item factor with a high level of reliability (α=0.93). To examine the construct validity of the scale, confirmatory factor analysis was further performed, resulting in an acceptable goodness-of-fit. In order to define a scale that shows even better psychometric properties, confirmatory factor analysis was conducted on a reduced 6-item scale that Saran and Kalliny (2012) found to show stronger construct validity. Following their results, the 6-item scale showed even better goodness-of-fit (χ²=25, df=9, SRMR=0.05, RMSEA=0.09, CFI=0.95, TLI=0.91), and its factor scores were used in further analyses. Correlation analysis was used to measure the relationship between the cosmopolitanism scale and transnational experiences and political views. It was found that respondents who express stronger cosmopolitan views speak more foreign languages, have visited a greater number of foreign countries, express stronger support for leftwing political options, and a stronger need to protect universal human rights, of which the latter correlation proved to be the highest. Lastly, multiple regression was conducted, where the cosmopolitanism scale factor scores served as the dependent variable and sociodemographic variables as predictors. The regression model confirmed the previous finding that women express stronger cosmopolitan attitudes than men. 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引用次数: 0

Abstract

In the broadest sense, cosmopolitanism can be described as a belief and action in accordance with the view that all human beings belong to a unique world political community. However, such a simplified definition overlooks the multidimensionality of the concept. The term cosmopolitanism has been present in public discourse since ancient times and has carried different connotations throughout history, which contributes to its ambiguity. The preconditions for the development of cosmopolitanism in its present sense arose in the mid-20th century, after the world wars and the onset of new globalisation processes. Within the social sciences, a significant interest in a more specific definition and conceptualisation of cosmopolitanism emerged in the second half of the 20th century. However, numerous theoretical discussions since then have not yet offered such a definition of the concept. An additional problem lies in the fact that those theoretical discussions, which defined multiple aspects and types of cosmopolitanism, are not accompanied by a corresponding number of empirical research. By considering previous theoretical and empirical research on the topic, this paper aims to offer a clearer conceptualisation and operationalisation of cosmopolitanism, with the focus on constructing a valid instrument for its measurement. While it is difficult to offer a clear and unambiguous theoretical definition of cosmopolitanism, most researchers have moved in the direction of a clearer definition of certain aspects of the concept. There were a few attempts of such conceptualisation that have been met with wider acclamation, some of which were more complex and some simpler. Vertovec and Cohen (2002) established the most sophisticated conceptualisation by defining cosmopolitanism as a sociocultural condition, a philosophy or worldview, a political project, an attitude or disposition, and a practice or competence. With the aim of capturing multiple aspects of the concept, Boucher, Aubert and de Latour (2019) defined four types of cosmopolitanism: moral, institutional, civil and cultural. Furthermore, Delanty (2009) offered a different approach by distinguishing moral, political and cultural cosmopolitanism. The various definitions agree, however, on including the political and the cultural aspects of cosmopolitanism. Therefore, this paper is based on the robust typology offered by Hannerz (2006), which distinguishes between the cultural and political faces of cosmopolitanism. The author sees the political face of the concept as the one that tries to solve macro problems of human, economic, legal, environmental and other processes that transcend nation-state borders. Hannerz (2006) defines the cultural face as an identity characteristic of individuals who enjoy new cultures, people, tastes, sounds and the like. The cultural dimension of cosmopolitanism, which arises from the awareness and practices of individuals, is the focus of this research. It is important to mention that numerous researchers define certain types (banal, patriotic, thin, ordinary) of cosmopolitanism. However, it is questionable to what extent the determination of such types contributes to a clearer understanding of the concept, especially when they are defined solely on the basis of theoretical considerations. Before establishing the framework for the empirical research, it was important to clarify the source of contemporary cosmopolitanism. Most researchers link cosmopolitanism to globalisation processes. Beck and Sznaider (2010) explain globalisation as processes that take place “out there” in the world and define cosmopolitanism as “globalization from within”, a process that is closely related to globalisation but takes place within society. Such a connection becomes questionable when the terms glocalisation, which includes micro as well as macro processes, and segmented globalisation, which refers to the different dynamics by which globalisation occurs in places around the world, are introduced into the discourse. These concepts also suggest that all individuals involved in globalisation trends will express cosmopolitan views, which is not the case. On the other hand, Roudometof (2005) emphasises the link between cosmopolitanism and transnationalism, a view that is elaborated in this paper. The author defines the concept of transnationalism as a social condition that arises in the stage of internal globalisation and is not influenced by the emotions and attitudes of individuals but its most important feature is that it can stimulate individuals to develop an open attitude, that is, cosmopolitanism, or a defensive attitude towards differences. The lack of a clear theoretical definition of cosmopolitanism has influenced the disproportion between the theoretical considerations and empirical research of the concept. One part of the researchers used secondary data to examine attitudes about cosmopolitanism in a certain population. These studies have led to important insights, but they have not contributed to the creation of a valid and reliable instrument for measuring cosmopolitanism. Another problem with such research is that it is conducted using data that are focused on examining other concepts. One such example is the study by Olofsson and Öhman (2007), where the authors interpreted views contrary to nationalism as cosmopolitan views. The other part of empirical research on the subject of cosmopolitanism is focused on constructing an instrument for its measurement. While most such studies were conducted to explore a particular aspect of the concept, Saran and Kalliny (2012) offered an instrument to measure general cosmopolitan attitudes, values, and practices within a particular population. The authors first conducted interviews, the results of which were used to construct questions for the survey. After collecting survey data, the authors defined a valid and reliable, one-dimensional 14-item scale of cosmopolitanism by conducting exploratory and confirmatory factor analysis. The findings of other authors pointed to the connection between cosmopolitanism and other concepts like transnational experiences, political orientation, and sociodemographic characteristics. The empirical part of this research aimed to define a valid and reliable instrument for measuring the presence of cosmopolitanism in a given population. For this purpose, the scale offered by Saran and Kalliny (2012) was used in a slightly modified form to further test its construct validity, reliability and applicability. The instrument was tested on the student population of the University of Zadar via an online survey in October 2020. In addition to the cosmopolitanism scale, the questionnaire contained questions about the number of countries the respondents had visited, the number of foreign languages they spoke, their political orientation, their support for general human rights and certain sociodemographic characteristics, with the purpose of testing the convergent validity of the instrument. In order to determine the metrics of the cosmopolitanism scale, bivariate (correlation analysis) and multivariate statistical procedures (exploratory factor analysis, confirmatory factor analysis and multiple regression analysis) were conducted in the statistical programming language R. First, exploratory factor analysis was performed on the cosmopolitanism scale with parallel analysis as a factor retention method, which extracted one 13-item factor with a high level of reliability (α=0.93). To examine the construct validity of the scale, confirmatory factor analysis was further performed, resulting in an acceptable goodness-of-fit. In order to define a scale that shows even better psychometric properties, confirmatory factor analysis was conducted on a reduced 6-item scale that Saran and Kalliny (2012) found to show stronger construct validity. Following their results, the 6-item scale showed even better goodness-of-fit (χ²=25, df=9, SRMR=0.05, RMSEA=0.09, CFI=0.95, TLI=0.91), and its factor scores were used in further analyses. Correlation analysis was used to measure the relationship between the cosmopolitanism scale and transnational experiences and political views. It was found that respondents who express stronger cosmopolitan views speak more foreign languages, have visited a greater number of foreign countries, express stronger support for leftwing political options, and a stronger need to protect universal human rights, of which the latter correlation proved to be the highest. Lastly, multiple regression was conducted, where the cosmopolitanism scale factor scores served as the dependent variable and sociodemographic variables as predictors. The regression model confirmed the previous finding that women express stronger cosmopolitan attitudes than men. The results of the statistical analysis indicate a high level of reliability and validity of the reduced 6-item cosmopolitanism scale. On that basis, it can be stated that the scale serves as a valid instrument for measuring cosmopolitan attitudes within a population. The scope of the study is limited because it was conducted on a relatively homogeneous sample of the University of Zadar student population. In future research, the 6-item scale should be tested on a more heterogeneous sample which could indicate the applicability of the instrument to a wider population. Besides, in future research, it would be advisable to pay more attention to examining indicators and constructs related to cosmopolitanism, based on which clearer types of cosmopolitan could potentially be defined.
从最广泛的意义上讲,世界主义可以被描述为一种信念和行动,这种信念和行动符合所有人类属于一个独特的世界政治共同体的观点。然而,这种简化的定义忽略了这个概念的多维性。世界主义一词自古以来就出现在公共话语中,在历史上具有不同的内涵,这导致了它的模糊性。目前意义上的世界主义发展的先决条件出现在20世纪中期,在两次世界大战和新的全球化进程开始之后。在社会科学领域,20世纪下半叶出现了对世界主义更具体定义和概念化的重大兴趣。然而,从那时起,许多理论讨论尚未提供这样一个概念的定义。另一个问题在于,这些理论讨论定义了世界主义的多个方面和类型,却没有相应数量的实证研究。通过对这一主题的理论和实证研究,本文旨在为世界主义提供一个更清晰的概念和操作化,重点是构建一个有效的测量工具。虽然很难对世界主义给出一个清晰而明确的理论定义,但大多数研究人员已经朝着对这一概念的某些方面进行更清晰定义的方向前进。这种概念化的一些尝试得到了广泛的欢迎,其中有些比较复杂,有些比较简单。Vertovec和Cohen(2002)通过将世界主义定义为一种社会文化状况、一种哲学或世界观、一种政治计划、一种态度或倾向、一种实践或能力,建立了最复杂的概念化。为了捕捉这一概念的多个方面,Boucher, Aubert和de Latour(2019)定义了四种类型的世界主义:道德、制度、公民和文化。此外,Delanty(2009)通过区分道德、政治和文化世界主义提供了一种不同的方法。然而,在包括世界主义的政治和文化方面,各种定义是一致的。因此,本文基于Hannerz(2006)提供的稳健类型学,该类型学区分了世界主义的文化和政治面孔。作者将这一概念的政治面视为试图解决超越民族国家边界的人类、经济、法律、环境和其他过程的宏观问题。Hannerz(2006)将文化面孔定义为喜欢新文化、人、口味、声音等的个人的身份特征。世界主义的文化维度是本研究的重点,它源于个体的意识和实践。值得一提的是,许多研究者定义了某些类型的世界主义(平庸的、爱国的、单薄的、普通的)。然而,这种类型的确定在多大程度上有助于更清楚地理解这一概念是值得怀疑的,特别是当它们仅仅根据理论考虑来定义时。在建立实证研究框架之前,澄清当代世界主义的来源是很重要的。大多数研究人员将世界主义与全球化进程联系起来。Beck和Sznaider(2010)将全球化解释为发生在世界“外面”的过程,并将世界主义定义为“来自内部的全球化”,这是一个与全球化密切相关但发生在社会内部的过程。当全球化(包括微观和宏观过程)和分段全球化(指全球化在世界各地发生的不同动态)这两个术语被引入话语时,这种联系就变得可疑了。这些概念还表明,参与全球化趋势的所有个人都会表达世界主义观点,但事实并非如此。另一方面,Roudometof(2005)强调世界主义和跨国主义之间的联系,这是本文阐述的观点。作者将跨国主义的概念定义为在内部全球化阶段产生的一种社会状况,不受个人情绪和态度的影响,但其最重要的特征是它可以刺激个人发展一种开放的态度,即世界主义,或者对差异的防御态度。世界主义缺乏明确的理论定义,影响了对这一概念的理论考虑与实证研究之间的不平衡。一部分研究人员使用二手数据来调查特定人群对世界主义的态度。 这些研究带来了重要的见解,但它们并没有为创造一个有效和可靠的工具来衡量世界主义做出贡献。这类研究的另一个问题是,它使用的数据侧重于检验其他概念。其中一个例子是Olofsson和Öhman(2007)的研究,作者将与民族主义相反的观点解释为世界主义观点。另一部分实证研究的主题是世界主义的重点是构建一个工具来衡量它。虽然大多数此类研究都是为了探索这一概念的特定方面而进行的,但Saran和Kalliny(2012)提供了一种工具来衡量特定人群中普遍的世界主义态度、价值观和实践。作者首先进行了访谈,访谈的结果用于构建调查的问题。作者在收集调查数据后,通过探索性和验证性的因子分析,定义了一个有效、可靠的14项世界主义一维量表。其他作者的发现指出了世界主义与其他概念之间的联系,如跨国经历、政治取向和社会人口特征。本研究的实证部分旨在定义一种有效和可靠的工具来衡量特定人群中世界主义的存在。为此,我们使用Saran and Kalliny(2012)提供的量表,并对其稍加修改,进一步检验其结构效度、信度和适用性。该仪器于2020年10月通过在线调查在扎达尔大学的学生群体中进行了测试。除了世界主义量表之外,调查表还载有关于答复者访问过的国家数目、他们说的外语数目、他们的政治倾向、他们对一般人权的支持和某些社会人口特征的问题,目的是检验该工具的趋同有效性。为了确定世界主义量表的度量标准,我们在统计程序设计语言r中进行了双变量(相关分析)和多变量统计程序(探索性因子分析、验证性因子分析和多元回归分析)。首先,采用平行分析作为因子保留法对世界主义量表进行探索性因子分析,提取出一个高信度的13项因子(α=0.93)。为了检验量表的结构效度,进一步进行了验证性因子分析,得到了可接受的拟合优度。为了定义一个表现出更好的心理测量特性的量表,对Saran和Kalliny(2012)发现具有更强结构效度的精简6项量表进行了验证性因子分析。根据他们的结果,6项量表显示出更好的拟合优度(χ²=25,df=9, SRMR=0.05, RMSEA=0.09, CFI=0.95, TLI=0.91),并将其因子得分用于进一步分析。通过相关分析来衡量世界主义量表与跨国经验和政治观点之间的关系。研究发现,表达强烈世界主义观点的受访者会说更多的外语,访问过更多的国家,对左翼政治选择表示更强烈的支持,并更需要保护普世人权,其中后者的相关性被证明是最高的。最后,以世界主义量表因子得分为因变量,以社会人口学变量为预测变量,进行多元回归分析。回归模型证实了之前的发现,即女性比男性表现出更强烈的世界主义态度。统计分析结果表明,缩减后的6项世界主义量表具有较高的信度和效度。在此基础上,可以说,该量表是衡量人口中世界主义态度的有效工具。这项研究的范围是有限的,因为它是在扎达尔大学学生群体中相对均匀的样本上进行的。在未来的研究中,6项量表应该在更异质的样本上进行测试,这可以表明该工具适用于更广泛的人群。此外,在未来的研究中,应该更多地关注与世界主义相关的指标和结构,在此基础上,有可能定义更清晰的世界主义类型。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
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