Life After Janus

A. Tang
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引用次数: 8

Abstract

The axe has finally fallen. In Janus v. AFSCME, Council 31, the Supreme Court struck down the major source of financial security enjoyed by public sector unions representing nearly half of the nation’s fifteen million union members. Countless press stories, law review articles, and amicus briefs have criticized and defended this outcome. This Article has a different aim. Rather than re-litigating Janus, the question I ask is instead forward-looking: What’s next? Is there life for public sector unions after Janus? And if so, what might it look like? In engaging these questions, this Article has three goals. First, I want to push back on the narrative that public unions have no choice now but to struggle on within a national right-to-work environment. That is certainly one possibility, but pro-labor states have available a range of legislative responses that may soften Janus’s blow or even negate it altogether. One response is for pro-labor states to authorize public employers to reimburse unions for their bargaining-related costs directly. The standard objection is that direct government funding will undercut unions’ ability to advocate independently for workers. My second goal is to confront this objection head-on, with an argument that draws on an unlikely source: an analogy between public unions and public defenders. As it turns out, America’s woeful experience with indigent criminal defense teaches some powerful lessons about how not to fund entities whose entire purpose is to contest the government’s narrow self-interest. But it also suggests funding approaches that would raise no independence concerns at all. That leads to my final and most significant objective: to propose model legislation for state lawmakers to implement direct reimbursement of unions. The proposal is revenue neutral for public employers and unions, and it is revenue enhancing for workers in light of nuances in the federal income tax. Readers interested in the nuts and bolts of the proposed legislation may wish to skip the first three parts of this Article (which make the case for why reimbursement is desirable) and start at Part IV on page 43. For convenience, a model bill is included in the appendix.
雅努斯之后的生活
斧头终于落下了。在Janus v. AFSCME, Council 31案中,最高法院推翻了公共部门工会享有财政保障的主要来源,这些工会代表了全国1500万工会成员中的近一半。无数的新闻报道、法律评论文章和法庭之友简报都对这一结果进行了批评和辩护。这篇文章有不同的目的。我问的问题不是再次起诉Janus,而是前瞻性的:下一步是什么?在Janus之后,公共部门工会还会存在吗?如果是这样,它会是什么样子呢?在回答这些问题时,本文有三个目标。首先,我想反驳一种说法,即公共工会现在别无选择,只能在国家工作权环境中继续奋斗。这当然是一种可能性,但支持劳工的州有一系列的立法回应,可能会减轻Janus的打击,甚至完全否定它。一种回应是,支持劳工的州授权公共雇主直接补偿工会的谈判相关成本。标准的反对意见是,政府的直接资助将削弱工会独立为工人发声的能力。我的第二个目标是正面面对这一反对意见,我的论点利用了一个不太可能的来源:公共工会和公共辩护人之间的类比。事实证明,美国在刑事辩护方面的悲惨经历给我们上了一些强有力的教训,告诉我们如何不要资助那些完全以挑战政府狭隘的自身利益为目的的实体。但它也提出了一些完全不会引起独立性担忧的融资方式。这就引出了我最后一个也是最重要的目标:为各州立法者提出示范立法,以实现对工会的直接补偿。该提案对公共部门雇主和工会来说是收入中性的,但考虑到联邦所得税的细微差别,它会增加工人的收入。对拟议立法的具体细节感兴趣的读者可能希望跳过本文的前三部分(说明为什么需要报销),从43页的第四部分开始。为方便起见,附录中附了一份示范账单。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
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