The Justices and News Judgment: The Supreme Court as News Editor

A. Gajda
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引用次数: 3

Abstract

In 2011, in Snyder v. Phelps, the military funeral protest case involving the Westboro Baptist Church, the United States Supreme Court again warned that courts needed to protect speech broadly, lest judges become what the Court called "inadvertent censors."1 In the opinion, the Court touched upon what might be appropriate news, though the case only tangentially involved journalism. In a paragraph that specifically mentioned newsworthiness, the Court reminded readers that a matter of public concern2 would be any matter that related to political, social, or other concerns of the community, regardless of its inappropriateness or controversial nature.3The Snyder opinion is filled with related citations to the Court's earlier, famous First Amendment jurisprudence upholding media rights to report or publish, including a case that refused to hold a newspaper liable for publishing the name of a rape victim,4 a case in which a magazine published a photo spread fictionalizing in part a family's terror at the hands of captors,5 and a case in which minister Jerry Falwell was parodied in a particularly tasteless way by Hustler magazine.6The Snyder case, therefore, was obviously not the first time the Justices had tried their hand at defining newsworthiness. They had been doing so for well more than a century, in fact, and long before those famous cited decisions, sometimes acting more directly as after-the-fact editors and sometimes mentioning news value in a dicta-like fashion. In this way, the Supreme Court has decades of experience acting as a kind of a super news editor.To better understand this role and why it matters, it is important to understand what non-judicial news editors do. Within any newsroom, news editors have tremendous power and responsibility. They ultimately decide what news and information is appropriate public fodder and what news and information, though true, is better left unwritten or unsaid.7 A news editor, for example, might decide that certain truthful information is too private or too embarrassing or too harmful to be part of a news story, even if the information might be relevant to some readers. A politician's affair, for example, might be withheld if reporters or editors ultimately decide that it has little to do with the politician's political life.8 Given the journalistic ethics standard for public persons, such information about a private person would likely never be published by a mainstream news source because, in any journalist's estimation, there would be nothing newsworthy for the public in the revelation.And this is where the judicial system comes in. Should similarly private information be published about a public or private figure, and should the person sue for a privacy invasion, courts and juries are ultimately left to decide whether the public value of the news item should trump the person's right to privacy. The Restatement, for example, describes the balance this way:One who gives publicity to a matter concerning the private life of another is subject to liability to the other for invasion of his privacy, if the matter publicized is of a kind that(a) would be highly offensive to a reasonable person, and(b) is not of legitimate concern to the public.9A definition for news, then, becomes highly relevant in privacy causes of action, among others, because a fact finder deciding a privacy claim is called upon to act as a news editor in deciding whether such information was of a type appropriate for public dissemination - whether it was "of legitimate public concern" or not. Legitimate public concern is not based upon any public need to know, however. The Restatement offers a broad definition, suggesting that matters of legitimate public concern include accidents, rare diseases, preteen pregnancy, and multiple other matters of "more or less deplorable, popular appeal."10I have suggested previously that lower courts have lately been more accepting of the publication of private-facts tort and related privacy-like causes of action. …
法官和新闻判决:作为新闻编辑的最高法院
2011年,在涉及威斯特布路浸信会(Westboro Baptist Church)的军事葬礼抗议案斯奈德诉菲尔普斯案(Snyder v. Phelps)中,美国最高法院再次警告称,法院需要广泛地保护言论,以免法官成为法院所说的“无意的审查者”。在意见书中,法院触及了什么可能是合适的新闻,尽管该案件只略微涉及新闻业。在一段特别提到新闻价值的段落中,法院提醒读者,任何与政治、社会或其他社会关注有关的事项都是公众关注的事项,无论其是否恰当或具有争议性。3引用相关的斯奈德的观点充满了法院的早些时候,著名的第一修正案的判例支持报告或发布媒体权利,包括一个案例,拒绝举行报纸负责出版强奸受害者的名字,4的一个案件中,一本杂志照片传播故事发表在一个家庭的一部分恐怖的劫匪,5和一个案件中,部长杰里·福尔韦尔尤其是无味地模仿了《好色客》杂志。因此,斯奈德案显然不是大法官们第一次尝试定义新闻价值。事实上,早在那些著名的被引用的决定之前,他们就已经这样做了一个多世纪,有时更直接地扮演事后编辑的角色,有时以一种类似于命令的方式提及新闻价值。通过这种方式,最高法院拥有几十年的超级新闻编辑的经验。为了更好地理解这一角色及其重要性,了解非司法新闻编辑的工作是很重要的。在任何新闻编辑室,新闻编辑都有巨大的权力和责任。他们最终决定哪些新闻和信息是合适的公众素材,哪些新闻和信息虽然是真实的,但最好不要写下来或不说出来例如,新闻编辑可能会认为某些真实的信息太私密、太尴尬或太有害,不适合作为新闻报道的一部分,即使这些信息可能与一些读者相关。例如,如果记者或编辑最终认定某政治家的私事与他的政治生活没有什么关系,那就可以不予披露考虑到公众人物的新闻道德标准,主流新闻来源可能永远不会公布有关私人的信息,因为在任何记者看来,这些信息对公众来说没有任何新闻价值。这就是司法系统发挥作用的地方。如果类似的关于公众人物或私人人物的私人信息被公布,如果当事人起诉侵犯隐私,法院和陪审团最终将决定新闻的公共价值是否应该高于个人的隐私权。例如,《重述》以这种方式描述了这种平衡:如果一个人公开了与他人私生活有关的事情,那么他就必须对侵犯他人的隐私承担责任,如果公开的事情是(a)对一个理智的人来说是高度冒犯的,并且(b)对公众来说不是合法的关注。因此,新闻的定义在隐私诉讼原因中变得高度相关,因为决定隐私索赔的事实发现者被要求作为新闻编辑来决定这些信息是否属于适合公众传播的类型-它是否“引起合法的公众关注”。然而,合法的公众关注并不是基于公众需要知道的。《重述》提供了一个广泛的定义,表明公众合理关注的问题包括事故、罕见疾病、青春期前怀孕,以及其他“或多或少令人遗憾、具有大众吸引力”的多种问题。我以前曾提出,下级法院最近更能接受公布私人事实侵权和相关的类似隐私的诉因。…
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