{"title":"Explaining China's Legal Flexibility: History and the Institutional Imperative","authors":"J. Evans","doi":"10.58948/2331-3536.1382","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"China’s legal system appears to harbor a major tension, or even a paradox. Certainty in law facilitates economic progress, which most observers agree the Communist Party requires to maintain its power—yet the Party has opted for a flexible legal system that often impedes predictability. Prior studies explain China’s legal system as a product of certain constraints and as an expedient that allows for policy adjustments. These factors undoubtedly are at work but do not fully explain the rationale for a legal design seemingly at odds with the Party’s economic goals. To obtain a fuller view, it is necessary to consult the historical circumstances in which the designers of China’s legal system were embedded. This Paper argues that the Party’s reformers achieved a percipient historical insight: the Party would require an ongoing competitive advantage in institutional entrepreneurship to survive after Mao. Moreover, the reformers understood this competency to embody not only the substance of policy, but also, crucially, the Party’s institutional stewardship. Of its many advantages, flexible law reinforces the Party’s dominance in institutional entrepreneurship, enabling the Party to impede rival entrepreneurs without disrupting the broader economic frameworks in place. *Assistant Professor of Legal Studies, Parker College of Business, Georgia Southern University (juwevans@alumni.iu.edu). I presented this paper at the ALSB annual meeting in Savannah, Georgia (August 2017) and at the Seventeenth Huber Hurst Research Seminar at the University of Florida (February 2018), and thank the Hurst Seminar participants for their detailed feedback: Robert Bird, Leora Eisenstadt, Robert Emerson, Stephanie Greene, Stephen Park, Robert Prentice, Michael Schuster, Abbey Stemler, Robert Thomas, Jeff Todd, and Deepa Varadarajan. Larry DiMatteo’s feedback was particularly extensive and insightful, and I am grateful to have had his guidance. I am indebted to Chris Brkich for his comments on a later draft. I thank Jennifer, Anna, and Emma for their love and support. Any errors are mine.","PeriodicalId":340850,"journal":{"name":"Pace International Law Review","volume":"39 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0000,"publicationDate":"2019-03-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"0","resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"Pace International Law Review","FirstCategoryId":"1085","ListUrlMain":"https://doi.org/10.58948/2331-3536.1382","RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":null,"ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"","JCRName":"","Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
Abstract
China’s legal system appears to harbor a major tension, or even a paradox. Certainty in law facilitates economic progress, which most observers agree the Communist Party requires to maintain its power—yet the Party has opted for a flexible legal system that often impedes predictability. Prior studies explain China’s legal system as a product of certain constraints and as an expedient that allows for policy adjustments. These factors undoubtedly are at work but do not fully explain the rationale for a legal design seemingly at odds with the Party’s economic goals. To obtain a fuller view, it is necessary to consult the historical circumstances in which the designers of China’s legal system were embedded. This Paper argues that the Party’s reformers achieved a percipient historical insight: the Party would require an ongoing competitive advantage in institutional entrepreneurship to survive after Mao. Moreover, the reformers understood this competency to embody not only the substance of policy, but also, crucially, the Party’s institutional stewardship. Of its many advantages, flexible law reinforces the Party’s dominance in institutional entrepreneurship, enabling the Party to impede rival entrepreneurs without disrupting the broader economic frameworks in place. *Assistant Professor of Legal Studies, Parker College of Business, Georgia Southern University (juwevans@alumni.iu.edu). I presented this paper at the ALSB annual meeting in Savannah, Georgia (August 2017) and at the Seventeenth Huber Hurst Research Seminar at the University of Florida (February 2018), and thank the Hurst Seminar participants for their detailed feedback: Robert Bird, Leora Eisenstadt, Robert Emerson, Stephanie Greene, Stephen Park, Robert Prentice, Michael Schuster, Abbey Stemler, Robert Thomas, Jeff Todd, and Deepa Varadarajan. Larry DiMatteo’s feedback was particularly extensive and insightful, and I am grateful to have had his guidance. I am indebted to Chris Brkich for his comments on a later draft. I thank Jennifer, Anna, and Emma for their love and support. Any errors are mine.
中国的法律体系似乎存在一种严重的矛盾,甚至是一种悖论。法律的确定性促进了经济发展,大多数观察家都认为,共产党需要经济发展来维持其权力,但共产党选择了一种灵活的法律体系,这往往阻碍了可预测性。先前的研究将中国的法律体系解释为某些约束的产物,以及允许政策调整的权宜之计。这些因素无疑在起作用,但并不能完全解释这种看似与党的经济目标不一致的法律设计的基本原理。为了获得更全面的认识,有必要考察中国法律制度的设计者所处的历史环境。本文认为,党的改革者取得了敏锐的历史洞察力:党需要在机构创业中持续的竞争优势才能在毛之后生存。此外,改革者明白这种能力不仅体现了政策的实质,而且至关重要的是体现了党的制度管理。在其诸多优势中,灵活的法律加强了党在制度创业中的主导地位,使党能够在不破坏现有更广泛经济框架的情况下阻止竞争对手的企业家。*佐治亚南方大学帕克商学院法学研究助理教授(juwevans@alumni.iu.edu)。我在乔治亚州萨凡纳举行的ALSB年会上(2017年8月)和佛罗里达大学第十七届Huber Hurst研究研讨会上(2018年2月)发表了本文,并感谢Hurst研讨会参与者的详细反馈:Robert Bird, Leora Eisenstadt, Robert Emerson, Stephanie Greene, Stephen Park, Robert Prentice, Michael Schuster, Abbey Stemler, Robert Thomas, Jeff Todd和Deepa Varadarajan。拉里·迪马特奥(Larry DiMatteo)的反馈尤其广泛而有见地,我很感激得到了他的指导。我要感谢Chris Brkich对后来的草稿所作的评论。我感谢詹妮弗、安娜和艾玛的爱和支持。任何错误都是我的。