Revolution, Counter-Revolution and Revisionism in Postcolonial Africa: the case of Mozambique, 1975–1994 (review)

J. Archambault
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引用次数: 19

Abstract

to operate in Djibouti. Given the involvement of several contributors with a background in the US government, as well as the customary American academics, this collection looks rather like the informed and semi-official view from Washington. After Rotberg’s opening overview the book proceeds through Somalia and Somaliland with Kenneth Menkhaus, which is appropriate since it is the stateless character of the former area (as well as the US having got it spectacularly wrong in the 1990s) that has been the main concern with regard to the problems of addressing terrorism. He is of the view, however, that statelessness is not necessarily that helpful for Al Qaeda because of the ‘danger of betrayal and extortion’. Lange Schermerhorn is next up on Djibouti, a country that has hitherto attracted limited attention, but is once more at ‘the eye of the storm’. Created as a French outpost on the Bab Al Mandeb straits, it now has a similar purpose for the US as well. Dan Connell discusses the ever-growing authoritarianism of Eritrea, once so beloved of western AfroMarxists, and still trying to punch above its weight across the Horn – rivalry with Ethiopia always at the forefront of its moves. David Shinn gives a very full and balanced account of Ethiopia. In addition to its ethnic tension, the position of the large Muslim population always needs careful political as well as security understanding. Tim Carney gives a brief and straightforward view of Sudan, the place where Osama bin Laden resided from 1991 to 1996 and where he was encouraged in his building of Al Qaeda. The same people are still largely in power, though now proclaiming their cooperation with the US on terrorism (though not on Darfur). The book rightly includes Yemen, for the Horn has long been almost as Arabian as African. Robert Burrowes feels that though Al Qaeda has been a threat there, the more conservative traditions of Yemeni Islam are still firmly in place. Finally Johnnie Carson considers Kenya, where Al Qaeda attacks have been mounted, and particularly the Muslim community on the coast. This brings us back to Kenya’s recent efforts to intercept the fleeing supporters of the Islamic Courts in the latest strike on possible terrorists from Mogadishu. What is most noticeable is the extent to which all the governments of the region have gone out of their way to join in cooperation with the US in the ‘war on terror’ – even to the point of rivalling each other, as with Eritrea and Ethiopia. But that is also the real point, for their motives have less to do with this ‘global’ war than their domestic and regional politics. The US is too powerful for them to resist supporting it in its self-proclaimed struggle, but the issues for the governments of the Horn are much nearer home, while overt cooperation with the US may be damaging domestically. Only when the US understands the many and varied local problems of the Horn will it really contribute to a more secure environment. Security cooperation may protect governments of the Horn in the short term, but of itself will do little to address the underlying issues that contribute to the making of the ‘war on terror’: keeping the lid on is not enough.
后殖民非洲的革命、反革命和修正主义:1975-1994年莫桑比克的案例(回顾)
在吉布提开展行动考虑到几位具有美国政府背景的撰稿人的参与,以及美国学术界的惯例,这本合集看起来更像是来自华盛顿的知情和半官方观点。在Rotberg的开篇概述之后,这本书继续与Kenneth Menkhaus一起讨论索马里和索马里兰,这是合适的,因为前一个地区的无国家特征(以及美国在20世纪90年代犯下的严重错误)一直是解决恐怖主义问题的主要关注。然而,他认为,无国籍状态对基地组织来说并不一定有帮助,因为有“背叛和勒索的危险”。兰格·舍默霍恩的下一个节目是吉布提,这个国家迄今为止吸引的关注有限,但又一次处于“风暴中心”。作为法国在曼德海峡的前哨基地,它现在对美国也有类似的目的。丹·康奈尔讨论了厄立特里亚日益增长的威权主义,这个曾经深受西方非洲马克思主义者喜爱的国家,仍然试图在非洲之角发挥其影响力——与埃塞俄比亚的竞争一直是其行动的前沿。大卫·希恩对埃塞俄比亚进行了全面而均衡的描述。除了民族关系紧张之外,庞大的穆斯林人口的处境总是需要仔细的政治和安全理解。蒂姆·卡尼(Tim Carney)简要而直接地介绍了苏丹,奥萨马·本·拉登(Osama bin Laden)从1991年到1996年一直居住在苏丹,并在那里受到鼓励建立了基地组织。这些人基本上仍然掌握着权力,尽管他们现在宣布与美国合作打击恐怖主义(尽管不是在达尔富尔问题上)。这本书正确地将也门包括在内,因为长久以来,“之角”几乎既是阿拉伯的,也是非洲的。罗伯特·伯罗斯认为,尽管基地组织在也门一直是个威胁,但也门伊斯兰教更保守的传统仍然牢固地存在着。最后,约翰尼·卡森谈到了肯尼亚,基地组织在那里的袭击不断增加,尤其是沿海的穆斯林社区。这使我们回到肯尼亚最近在最近一次对来自摩加迪沙的可能的恐怖主义分子的袭击中拦截伊斯兰法院逃离的支持者的努力。最值得注意的是,该地区所有政府都不遗余力地与美国在“反恐战争”中合作,甚至达到了相互竞争的程度,就像厄立特里亚和埃塞俄比亚一样。但这也是真正的问题,因为他们的动机与这场“全球”战争关系不大,而与他们的国内和地区政治关系更大。美国太强大了,它们无法抗拒支持它的自吹自擂,但非洲之角各国政府面临的问题要近得多,而与美国的公开合作可能会损害它们的国内利益。只有当美国了解了非洲之角许多不同的地方问题,它才会真正为一个更安全的环境做出贡献。安全合作可能会在短期内保护非洲之角各国政府,但其本身对解决促成“反恐战争”的根本问题作用不大:只把盖子盖住是不够的。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
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