The End of Middle Class Politics? by Sotiris Rizas (review)

Konstantinos S. Skandalis
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Abstract

The 2008 economic nearmeltdown confirmed what has been in the offing since the advent of neoliberalism and globalization more than three decades ago: universal, adult, franchisepropelled, entitlementbased middleclass prosperity — one of the most visible achievements of the Western economic way of life — was no longer sustainable. For instance, the percentage of Americans who considered themselves middle class declined from 61 percent in 2008 to 51 percent in 2016. Similar trends appeared in Europe as well. The weakened position of the middle class was one of the main issues addressed in the 2016 US presidential election. Fearful of being accused of invoking class warfare, the various candidates avoided the term middle class and instead employed more innocuous expressions, such as “working families,” “hardworking men and women,” or “people working full time.” Donald Trump concentrated his appeal to the middleclass sectors that had suffered the most damage — including industrial workers, fixedincome earners, and those living in rural areas — and promised to restore their sagging fortunes. Not only was he able to accomplish a hostile takeover of the Republican Party, but, to the dismay of most prognosticators, he went on to win the presidency. Sotiris Rizas’s The End of Middle Class Politics? is a serious and muchneeded attempt to shed light on the role and nature of the middle class, identify the underpinnings of its relative economic affluence, and understand the recent and ongoing erosion that has created an environment that no longer “connotes aspirations, but uncertainty and distress since it is identified with a way of life which is not sustainable.” The book seeks to pinpoint the causes and key characteristics as well as the evolution of the middle classes in the Western economic way of life, which began in the last quarter of the nineteenth century, by concentrating on five important Western countries: France, Germany, Italy, the United Kingdom, and the United States. The author considers these countries as the most important in the Western world, for they “set the stage for the most widespread affluence in modern history during the postwar period.” Differences notwithstanding, the key ingredients permeating this success story included universal and expanding adult suffrage, private enterprise, entitlements, and a level of income that “afforded housing and consumer durables, education, health, and a comfortable life in general.”
中产阶级政治的终结?作者:Sotiris Rizas(评论)
2008年的经济崩溃证实了自30多年前新自由主义和全球化出现以来一直存在的问题:普遍的、成人的、特许经营权推动的、以权利为基础的中产阶级繁荣——西方经济生活方式最明显的成就之一——不再可持续。例如,认为自己是中产阶级的美国人比例从2008年的61%下降到2016年的51%。欧洲也出现了类似的趋势。中产阶级地位的削弱是2016年美国总统大选的主要议题之一。由于担心被指责挑起阶级斗争,各候选人都避免使用“中产阶级”这个词,而是使用更无害的表达,如“工薪家庭”、“辛勤工作的男女”或“全职工作的人”。唐纳德·特朗普把注意力集中在遭受损失最严重的中产阶级身上——包括产业工人、固定收入者和生活在农村地区的人——并承诺恢复他们不断下降的财富。他不仅完成了对共和党的敌意收购,而且让大多数预言家失望的是,他还赢得了总统大选。Sotiris Rizas的《中产阶级政治的终结》是一个严肃而迫切需要的尝试,它揭示了中产阶级的角色和本质,确定了其相对经济富裕的基础,并理解了最近和持续的侵蚀,这种侵蚀创造了一个不再“意味着抱负,而是不确定性和痛苦的环境,因为它被认为是一种不可持续的生活方式。”该书以法国、德国、意大利、英国、美国等5个重要的西方国家为中心,试图查明19世纪最后25年开始的西方经济生活方式中中产阶级的原因和主要特征以及演变过程。作者认为这些国家是西方世界最重要的国家,因为它们“为战后现代史上最普遍的富裕奠定了基础”。尽管存在差异,但贯穿这一成功故事的关键因素包括普遍和不断扩大的成人选举权、私营企业、权利,以及“能够负担住房和耐用消费品、教育、健康和总体舒适生活”的收入水平。
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