Linguistic Human Rights of Minorities and Language Policy: A Case Study of Balochi Language in Education in Lyari, Karachi, Pakistan

S. A. Shah
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Abstract

Most of the neo-colonial nation-states in South America, Africa and Asia have historically remained multilingual. Particularly, subcontinent, being the part of Indus Civilization, successfully maintained the legacy of religious and cultural diversity. Pre-colonial lingo-cultural diversity in subcontinent was discouraged and displaced by new linguistic hierarchy during colonial times. In the milieu of WW-II and national liberation movements throughout the world, classical colonial structure was largely weakened at global level and paved the way for internal colonialism. Political leadership of newly formed multiethnic states principally preferred to govern their people as colonial subjects rather than free citizens. European model of ‘one language, one culture and one state’ has hitherto resulted in many ethno-linguistic movements in different neo-colonial states. Neo-colonial forms of knowledge, categories and instruments of oppression; particularly language policy; is still prevailing in such (in)dependent states where Pakistan is not an exception. Since 1947, language policy in Pakistan has been mainly shaped by and still continues to be overshadowed by its colonial past. This article critically investigates promise(s) and practice(s) of national language policy and the status of linguistic human rights of minorities in education in Lyari, Karachi, Pakistan. The data was collected from various (inter)national public policy documents/declarations along with semi-structured interviews from four different groups of participants i.e. academics, cultural activists, teachers and parents. Findings reveal two diametrically opposed orientations in terms of the use of mother tongue in classroom. School teachers stridently advocated assimilationist language ideology and viewed multilingualism in classroom as a problem to be solved, whereas, cultural activists and academics consider the same as a cultural resource to be properly utilized and the right of the child to be respected. Parents’ views are also considered in order to explore the tension between the language of schooling and the language of early socialization of children at home. Moreover, Language Rights model is applied in order to explore (re)production of linguistic injustice through language policy in education. societies that developed on their territories, consider themselves distinct from other sectors of the societies now prevailing in those territories, or parts of them. They form at present non-dominant sectors of society and are determined to preserve, develop, and transmit to future generations their ancestral territories and their ethnic identity, as the basis of their continued existence as peoples, in accordance with their own cultural patterns, social institutions, and legal systems’ (James et al., 2015, p.40).
少数民族的语言人权与语言政策:以巴基斯坦卡拉奇利亚里省教育中的俾路支语为例
南美洲、非洲和亚洲的大多数新殖民民族国家在历史上都是多语言的。特别是印度次大陆,作为印度河文明的一部分,成功地保持了宗教和文化多样性的遗产。在殖民时期,次大陆的语言文化多样性被新的语言等级制度所阻碍和取代。在第二次世界大战和民族解放运动的背景下,经典的殖民结构在全球范围内被大大削弱,为内部殖民主义铺平了道路。新成立的多民族国家的政治领导人主要倾向于将其人民作为殖民地臣民而不是自由公民来管理。迄今为止,欧洲“一种语言、一种文化、一个国家”的模式导致了不同新殖民国家的许多民族语言运动。新殖民主义的知识形式、压迫范畴和工具;特别是语言政策;在这些依赖国家仍然盛行,巴基斯坦也不例外。自1947年以来,巴基斯坦的语言政策主要受到其殖民历史的影响,并继续受到其殖民历史的影响。本文批判性地考察了巴基斯坦卡拉奇利亚里市国家语言政策的承诺和实践,以及教育中少数民族的语言人权状况。数据收集自各种(国际)国家公共政策文件/声明,以及来自四种不同参与者群体(学者、文化活动家、教师和家长)的半结构化访谈。研究结果揭示了在课堂上使用母语的两种截然相反的倾向。学校教师强烈主张同化主义的语言意识形态,认为课堂上的多语现象是一个亟待解决的问题,而文化活动家和学者则认为多语现象是一种文化资源,应该得到适当的利用,儿童的权利应该得到尊重。父母的观点也被考虑,以探讨学校的语言和孩子在家里的早期社会化的语言之间的紧张关系。其次,运用语言权利模型探讨教育中的语言政策对语言不公平的(再)生产。在其领土上发展起来的社会,认为自己不同于现在在这些领土上或其中部分地区盛行的社会的其他部分。他们形成了目前社会的非主导部门,并决心按照自己的文化模式、社会制度和法律制度,保护、发展和向后代传递他们祖先的领土和种族身份,作为他们作为民族继续存在的基础”(James et al., 2015, p.40)。
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