On the Long-distance Scrambling/Phonological Suppression of Adjuncts in Korean

Abstract

Unlike arguments, adjuncts are disallowed from undergoing longdistance scrambling in Korean or topicalization in English. This is because adjuncts do not enter into labeling when initially (pair-)merged into syntactic structure (cf. Chomsky, 2013). They do not bear any relevant formal feature either, hence failing to enter into an Agree relation with the higher Probe and undergo scrambling or topicalization. Put simply, adjuncts do not leave any record behind in a syntactic derivation involving external or internal merge, thus being unable to be moved back to the position from where it has moved (cf. Oseki, 2014). In Korean (and Japanese) where agreement is absent (cf. Kuroda, 1988), however, adjuncts can adjoin to argumental elements like object NPs without disrupting an Agree relation between the latter and their Probe (cf. Chomsky, 1986).