{"title":"Evidence of laryngeal coloring in Proto-Indo-Iranian","authors":"Andrew Ollett","doi":"10.13109/HISP.2014.127.1.150","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Past scholarship has made almost no mention of the effects in the Indo- Iranian languages of ‘laryngeal coloring’, the putatively Indo-European development according to which */e/ is ‘colored’ into */a/ or */o/ by an adjacent */h2/ or */h3/, respectively. And for good reason: the merger of nonhigh vowels in Proto-Indo-Iranian would have effaced these distinctions in any case. In this paper I survey the etyma in which laryngeal coloring could have interacted with Proto-Indo-Iranian palatalization, which (in part) preceded the merger of nonhigh vowels, and find that palatalization in almost every case has not occurred to inputs involving */Keh2/ or*/Keh3/, where coloring may be assumed to have taken place. This strongly suggests that laryngeal coloring – not as a discrete ‘sound change’, but as a phonological rule which requires additional sound changes (such as palatalization) before it can ‘show itself’ by affecting the distribution of phonemes in the lexicon – was present in the early stages of ...","PeriodicalId":177751,"journal":{"name":"Historische Sprachforschung","volume":"31 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0000,"publicationDate":"2014-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"0","resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"Historische Sprachforschung","FirstCategoryId":"1085","ListUrlMain":"https://doi.org/10.13109/HISP.2014.127.1.150","RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":null,"ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"","JCRName":"","Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
Abstract
Abstract Past scholarship has made almost no mention of the effects in the Indo- Iranian languages of ‘laryngeal coloring’, the putatively Indo-European development according to which */e/ is ‘colored’ into */a/ or */o/ by an adjacent */h2/ or */h3/, respectively. And for good reason: the merger of nonhigh vowels in Proto-Indo-Iranian would have effaced these distinctions in any case. In this paper I survey the etyma in which laryngeal coloring could have interacted with Proto-Indo-Iranian palatalization, which (in part) preceded the merger of nonhigh vowels, and find that palatalization in almost every case has not occurred to inputs involving */Keh2/ or*/Keh3/, where coloring may be assumed to have taken place. This strongly suggests that laryngeal coloring – not as a discrete ‘sound change’, but as a phonological rule which requires additional sound changes (such as palatalization) before it can ‘show itself’ by affecting the distribution of phonemes in the lexicon – was present in the early stages of ...