Economically Benevolent Dictators: Lessons for Developing Democracies

R. Gilson, C. Milhaupt
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引用次数: 42

Abstract

The post-war experience of developing countries leads to two depressing conclusions: only a small number of countries have successfully developed; and development theory has not produced development. In this article we examine one critical fact that might provide insights into the development conundrum: Some autocratic regimes have fundamentally transformed their economies, despite serious deficiencies along a range of other dimensions. Our aim is to understand how growth came about in these regimes, and whether emerging democracies might learn something important from these experiences. Our thesis is that in these economically successful countries, the authoritarian regime managed a critical juncture in the country’s development - entry into global commerce by the transition from small-scale, relational exchange, to exchange where performance is supported by government action, whether based on the potential for formal third party enforcement or by the threat of informal government sanctions. Compared to a weak democracy, a growth-favoring dictator may have an advantage in overcoming political economy obstacles to credibly committing that rent seeking will not dissipate private investment. We explore this hypothesis by examining the successful development experiences of three countries in the late twentieth century: Chile under Augusto Pinochet; South Korea under Park Chung-Hee; and China under Deng Xiaoping and his successors. Although the macroeconomic policies and institutional strategies of the three countries differed significantly, each ruler found ways to credibly commit his regime to growth. Decades of law reform activity by the World Bank, IMF, and other international organizations, along with a vast academic literature, assume that an impartial judiciary is the key to the transition from relational to market exchange. Our study reveals that a variety of alternatives are possible. We then consider a now familiar question raised about contemporary China: Does economic development inexorably lead to political liberalization? The conventional wisdom says yes, drawing support from the experience of Chile and South Korea. We show that the conventional wisdom overlooks important features of the Chilean and Korean historical experiences that bear directly on China. The same incentive structures that have propelled Chinese economic growth are likely slow political liberalization.
经济上仁慈的独裁者:发展中民主国家的教训
发展中国家战后的经验得出了两个令人沮丧的结论:只有少数国家成功地发展了;发展理论并没有产生发展。在这篇文章中,我们研究了一个关键的事实,它可能会为发展难题提供一些见解:一些专制政权已经从根本上改变了他们的经济,尽管在其他方面存在严重缺陷。我们的目的是了解这些政权的增长是如何产生的,以及新兴民主国家是否可以从这些经验中学到一些重要的东西。我们的论点是,在这些经济上成功的国家中,专制政权管理了国家发展的关键时刻——通过从小规模的关系交换过渡到由政府行动支持的交换,进入全球商业,无论是基于正式第三方强制执行的潜力,还是基于非正式政府制裁的威胁。与一个脆弱的民主国家相比,一个支持增长的独裁者可能在克服政治经济障碍、可信地承诺寻租不会分散私人投资方面具有优势。我们通过研究20世纪末三个国家的成功发展经验来探讨这一假设:奥古斯托·皮诺切特统治下的智利;朴正熙治下的韩国;尽管这三个国家的宏观经济政策和制度战略存在显著差异,但每一位统治者都找到了令人信服的方法,让自己的政权致力于增长。世界银行、国际货币基金组织和其他国际组织几十年来的法律改革活动,以及大量的学术文献,都认为公正的司法是关系交换向市场交换过渡的关键。我们的研究表明,有多种选择是可能的。然后,我们考虑一个关于当代中国的熟悉问题:经济发展是否必然导致政治自由化?根据智利和韩国的经验,传统观点认为是肯定的。我们表明,传统智慧忽视了智利和韩国历史经验中直接影响中国的重要特征。推动中国经济增长的激励机制可能也会减缓政治自由化。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
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