The Westminster Parliament's Formal Sovereignty in Britain and Europe from a Historical Perspective

J. Allison
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引用次数: 1

Abstract

In the historical backdrop to domestic British debates about Brexit has been tension between two contrasting and competing conceptions of the Westminster Parliament’s sovereignty. In issue has been whether or how parliamentary sovereignty has been subject to constraint, to limitations of form or substance, in strict legal theory or in practical politics. The tension was the product of a doctrinal dichotomy that Albert Venn Dicey introduced in the late-nineteenth century. He introduced it in attempting to juridicalise or juridify the constitution in his foundational and multi-edition textbook ‘The Law of the Constitution’. The dichotomy was, on the one hand, of a formal legal conception of Parliament’s sovereignty as limitless in theory and, on the other hand, of a substantive political conception of its sovereignty as limited in actuality. The tension between these legal and political conceptions has been manifest since then in various formal exercises of Parliament’s sovereignty that have impaired its substance. They include parliamentary enactments that conferred self-government in the process of decolonisation, that granted the executive powers to amend parliamentary legislation through “Henry VIII clauses”, and that delegated various governing powers in devolution. The tension has also been manifest in the enactment of the European Communities Act 1972, by which the Westminster Parliament made domestic legal provision for the UK’s original inclusion in the European Communities. The tension was exacerbated by the unqualified assertion of the unconditional supremacy of Community law by the ECJ, both before and after the 1972 enactment. Through judicial minimalism or false economy - failure to acknowledge, explain and address pressing issues at stake - in the response of the highest British court to the ECJ’s assertion of supremacy, problems in the Westminster Parliament’s legal and political sovereignty were left unresolved and vulnerable to serious objection. They contributed to making the UK’s continued membership of the EU precarious and unstable. The doctrinal and constitutional options and implications for the UK are challenging, as are various searching questions for the EU.
从历史的角度看威斯敏斯特议会在英国和欧洲的形式主权
在英国国内关于脱欧的辩论的历史背景下,威斯敏斯特议会主权的两种截然不同和相互竞争的概念之间一直存在紧张关系。争论的焦点是议会主权在严格的法律理论或实际政治中是否或如何受到形式或实质的限制。这种紧张是阿尔伯特·德文·戴西在19世纪末提出的教义二分法的产物。他在他的基础和多版本教科书《宪法法》中引入了它,试图使宪法合法化或合法化。这种二分法,一方面是形式上的法律概念,议会的主权理论上是无限的,另一方面是实质上的政治概念,议会的主权实际上是有限的。自那时以来,这些法律和政治概念之间的紧张关系在议会主权的各种正式行使中表现出来,损害了其实质。其中包括在非殖民化过程中授予自治的议会立法,通过“亨利八世条款”授予修改议会立法的行政权力,以及在权力下放中授予各种治理权力。这种紧张关系也体现在《1972年欧洲共同体法案》的颁布上,根据该法案,威斯敏斯特议会为英国最初加入欧洲共同体制定了国内法律条款。在1972年颁布之前和之后,欧洲法院无条件地主张共同体法的绝对至上,加剧了这种紧张关系。通过司法极简主义或虚假经济——未能承认、解释和解决利害攸关的紧迫问题——英国最高法院对欧洲法院至高无上主张的回应,威斯敏斯特议会的法律和政治主权问题没有得到解决,容易受到严重反对。它们使英国继续留在欧盟变得不稳定。英国面临的理论和宪法选择及其影响是具有挑战性的,欧盟面临的各种探索性问题也是如此。
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