3. ‘‘Taxation without Sanitation Is Tyranny’’: Civil Rights Struggles over Garbage Collection in Brooklyn, New York, during the Fall of 1962

Brian Purnell
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引用次数: 1

Abstract

During the early 1960s, many residents of Bedford-Stuyvesant saw the neighborhood's filthy streets as a sign of their community's low status in New York City. The trash that accumulated on sidewalks and in streets crowded public space with its bulk and its stench. Children had to play around hulky abandoned cars. Pedestrians on their way home from work dodged rats and vermin that darted from the asphalt to alleyways where bags of uncollected household garbage sat festering, sometimes for days at a time. Over the years, residents periodically complained to elected officials and appointees to the city's Sanitation Department, but the problem only worsened. Bedford-Stuyvesant inhabitants even organized periodic neighborhood clean-ups through local block associations. (2) Their efforts brought temporary relief to certain areas, but failed to remedy completely the overall problem. At its root, the abundance of garbage was linked to the scarcity of resources in this overcrowded residential area. Bedford-Stuyvesant required increased garbage collection and the city was failing to provide it. That this was a neighborhood with one of the fasting growing Black populations in the entire city added a racial insult to an already odoriferous injury. As historians Harold Connolly, Clarence Taylor, Craig Wilder and others have meticulously shown, Bedford-Stuyvesant was a community shaped by two different histories: the hope and optimism of its working class families, of which Blacks were at one point one group among many; and the racial ideologies and policies that slowly made the community an overcrowded, economically stagnant and racially segregated black neighborhood. Over the course of the nineteenth century, transportation developments in the form of rail lines and trolley cars that crisscrossed Brooklyn's north-central thoroughfares transformed the area from a sleepy farmland hamlet to a bedroom community for working- and middle-class families. Irish, German, Scottish, Dutch, and a sizable community of people of African descent, who labored in King County's downtown business and commercial districts that centered on the waterfront, made their home in the towns of Bedford and Stuyvesant Heights. During the antebellum period, black people established two independent communities in Bedford--Carrville, founded in 1832, and Weeksville founded in 1838. Bedford's population continued to soar after the construction of the Brooklyn Bridge completed in 1883, and the nation's first elevated railroad stations stretched across Brooklyn in 1885. By 1920, Bedford and Stuyvesant Heights combined and became known as Bedford-Stuyvesant and throughout the 1940s the neighborhood was racially integrated (49 percent white and 51 percent black) and one of the few communities in New York City where African Americans and West Indians could purchase their own homes. (3) All of that changed during 1950s and 60s. Economic and political policies that went into affect during the New Deal played on racial fears and prejudices and caused middle and working class whites to abandon the community. Discriminatory policies that "redlined" the neighborhood, which were sanctioned by banks and real estate agencies under the banner of New Deal home owners' development programs in the 1930s, made it impossible for Bedford-Stuyvesant residents to finance home improvement projects. Realtors practiced "blockbusting" tactics, which reaped for them handsome profits but also contributed to the deterioration of the neighborhood's housing. Real estate agents played on racial fears and plummeting real estate prices to convince white homeowners to sell their property. The area's brownstone and limestone houses, became carved-up into three, sometimes four apartments. On top of that, bigots refused to rent apartments or sell homes to black families in other parts of Brooklyn, which would have relieved overcrowding in the neighborhood and placed less strain on its housing stock. …
3.。“没有卫生设施的税收是暴政”:1962年秋天,纽约布鲁克林的垃圾收集方面的民权斗争
在20世纪60年代早期,贝德福德-史岱文森的许多居民认为,这个社区肮脏的街道是他们社区在纽约市地位低下的标志。堆积在人行道和街道上的垃圾体积庞大,散发着恶臭,使公共空间拥挤不堪。孩子们不得不在笨重的废弃汽车旁玩耍。下班回家的路上,行人要躲避从柏油路窜到小巷的老鼠和害虫。小巷里的一袋袋未收集的生活垃圾正在腐烂,有时一堆就是好几天。多年来,居民定期向民选官员和城市卫生部门的任命人员投诉,但问题只会恶化。贝德福德-史岱文森的居民甚至通过当地街区协会定期组织社区清理。他们的努力使某些地区暂时得到缓解,但未能彻底解决整个问题。从根本上说,垃圾的泛滥与这个过度拥挤的住宅区资源的匮乏有关。贝德福德-史岱文森镇要求增加垃圾收集,而市政府却未能做到这一点。这个社区的黑人人口是整个城市增长最快的地区之一,这在本已很难闻的伤口上又添了一层种族侮辱。历史学家哈罗德·康诺利(Harold Connolly)、克拉伦斯·泰勒(Clarence Taylor)、克雷格·怀尔德(Craig Wilder)等人细致地表明,贝德福德-史岱文森是一个由两种不同历史塑造的社区:工人阶级家庭的希望和乐观,黑人一度是众多工人阶级家庭中的一个群体;种族意识形态和政策慢慢地使这个社区成为一个拥挤不堪、经济停滞不前、种族隔离的黑人社区。在19世纪的整个过程中,交通的发展,以铁路线和有轨电车的形式,纵横交错在布鲁克林的中北部大道上,把这个地区从一个沉睡的农田小村庄变成了工薪阶层和中产阶级家庭的卧室社区。爱尔兰人、德国人、苏格兰人、荷兰人,以及一大批在金县市中心商业区和以海滨为中心的商业区工作的非洲人后裔,在贝德福德镇和斯岱文森高地镇定居。南北战争前,黑人在贝德福德建立了两个独立的社区——卡维尔(Carrville),成立于1832年,威克斯维尔(Weeksville)成立于1838年。1883年布鲁克林大桥建成后,贝德福德的人口继续飙升,1885年,全国第一个高架火车站横跨布鲁克林。到1920年,贝德福德和史岱文森高地合并,成为著名的贝德福德-史岱文森高地。在整个20世纪40年代,这个社区种族融合(49%的白人和51%的黑人),是纽约市为数不多的非洲裔美国人和西印度群岛人可以购买自己房屋的社区之一。在20世纪50年代和60年代,这一切都改变了。新政期间实施的经济和政治政策利用了种族恐惧和偏见,导致中产阶级和工人阶级白人放弃社区。在20世纪30年代,银行和房地产中介打着“新政”房主发展计划的幌子,批准了“划出”社区的歧视性政策,这使得贝德福德-斯岱文森的居民无法为家庭装修项目提供资金。房地产经纪人实行“大片”策略,为他们带来了丰厚的利润,但也导致了社区住房的恶化。房地产经纪人利用种族恐惧和房地产价格暴跌来说服白人房主出售他们的房产。该地区的褐砂石和石灰岩房屋被分割成三套,有时是四套公寓。最重要的是,偏执者拒绝向布鲁克林其他地区的黑人家庭出租公寓或出售房屋,这本来可以缓解该社区的过度拥挤,减轻住房存量的压力。…
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