Early Academic Self Concepts and the Racial Achievement Gap

B. Earp
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引用次数: 3

Abstract

The aim of this essay is to examine the racial achievement gap in American education through the lens of Erik Erikson's fourth stage of psychosocial development: industry vs. inferiority (Erikson, 1950). To set the stage, I will argue that the well-documented academic underperformance of certain minority groups (chiefly black and Latino Americans) may stem from the unfavorable resolution of a key developmental crisis in constituent members' early scholastic experience. According to this view, minority students' academic self-conceptions are at a heightened risk, compared with their non-minority peers, of becoming defined by an early and enduring sense of Eriksonian inferiority. This risk increases, I will try to show, as a function of the extent to which their homegrown cultural identities are at odds with the cultural values endorsed, both implicitly and overtly, by the schools they attend. Taking this possibility into account, I go on to suggest that individual educators can play an important role in eliminating the achievement gap by changing the way they teach in their own classrooms. A major prerequisite, in this case, is raised awareness. Specifically, teachers must begin by identifying the tacit and explicit cultural values they hold personally as well as those encrusted both in their respective schools and in the larger society from which those schools derive their institutional character. Then they must determine how those values shape and influence classroom expectations vis-a-vis academic and socio-behavioral standards of evaluation, whether formal or informal. Finally, they must use this knowledge to see how their unconscious and hence unreflective espousal of those values (cf. Earp, 2010) may impede the proper development of an academically-industrious self-concept in their minority students--especially those students whose cultural backgrounds, as opposed to intellectual promise, do not immediately synch with social and institutional orthodoxy. I conclude by advocating a "transcultural" pedagogy or teaching style, according to which both teachers and their minority students develop (at minimum) transcultural proficiencies and (at maximum) transcultural identities, as a promising way to achieve two important ends. First, the fostering of an academically-industrious self- concept in members of historically underachieving minority groups and hence, second, the closing of the achievement gap "from the bottom up"--one classroom at a time. Part I. Approach The racial achievement gap in American education cannot possibly be resolved in the course of one short paper. As Gloria Ladson-Billings (1994) writes: No challenge has been more daunting than that of improving the academic achievement of African American students. Burdened with a history that includes the denial of education, separate and unequal education, and relegation to unsafe, substandard inner-city schools, the quest for quality education remains an elusive dream for the African American community. (p. ix) Yet there is much productive work that can be done. In this essay, I am going to shy away from large-scale policy suggestions, such as affirmative action initiatives, or other legal maneuvers, and focus instead on pedagogy in the early K-12 years. Let me take a moment to explain my choice of focus. By "affirmative action" I mean the policy in higher education among some schools by which a person's status as an underrepresented racial minority is explicitly, positively factored into his or her admissions decision. This practice, despite the best intentions of its designers and apologists, rests, in my view, on an inherently messy concept and may in consequence have troubling "side-effects" as well. To illustrate just one aspect of its messiness, the problem of stigma, here is an excerpt from Justice Clarence Thomas' sharp-tongued dissent in Grutter vs. Bollinger, the Supreme Court case which ruled to uphold The University of Michigan Law School's affirmative action program. …
早期学术自我概念与种族成就差距
本文的目的是通过埃里克·埃里克森(Erik Erikson)的社会心理发展的第四阶段:勤勉与自卑(Erikson, 1950)的视角来研究美国教育中的种族成就差距。为了奠定基础,我将论证,某些少数群体(主要是黑人和拉丁裔美国人)学术表现不佳的充分证据可能源于其组成成员早期学术经历中关键发展危机的不利解决。根据这一观点,与非少数族裔学生相比,少数族裔学生的学术自我概念更容易被早期和持久的埃里克森式自卑感所定义。我将试图表明,这种风险的增加,是由于他们的本土文化认同与他们所就读的学校所认可的文化价值观(无论是含蓄的还是公开的)不一致的程度。考虑到这种可能性,我继续建议,个别教育者可以通过改变他们在自己课堂上的教学方式,在消除成绩差距方面发挥重要作用。在这种情况下,一个重要的先决条件是提高认识。具体来说,教师必须首先确定他们个人持有的隐性和显性文化价值观,以及在各自学校和更大的社会中所拥有的文化价值观,这些社会是这些学校的制度特征的来源。然后,他们必须确定这些价值观是如何塑造和影响课堂期望的,相对于学术和社会行为的评估标准,无论是正式的还是非正式的。最后,他们必须利用这些知识来了解他们对这些价值观的无意识和不加反思的支持(参见Earp, 2010)可能会如何阻碍少数民族学生学业勤奋自我概念的适当发展——尤其是那些文化背景与智力承诺相反的学生,他们的文化背景与社会和制度的正统观念并不同步。最后,我提倡一种“跨文化”教学法或教学风格,根据这种教学法,教师和他们的少数民族学生都能(至少)培养跨文化熟练程度,(最多)培养跨文化认同,这是实现两个重要目标的有希望的途径。首先,在历史上成绩不佳的少数群体中培养勤奋学习的自我概念,因此,第二,“自下而上”地缩小成绩差距——一次一个教室。美国教育中的种族成就差距不可能在一篇短文中得到解决。正如Gloria Ladson-Billings(1994)所写:没有什么挑战比提高非裔美国学生的学习成绩更令人生畏了。背负着剥夺教育、隔离和不平等教育的历史,以及把他们送到不安全、不合格的市中心学校的历史,对优质教育的追求仍然是非洲裔美国人难以实现的梦想。(九)然而,仍有许多富有成效的工作可以做。在这篇文章中,我将回避大规模的政策建议,如平权行动倡议或其他法律手段,而是将重点放在K-12年级早期的教学方法上。让我花点时间解释一下我选择的重点。我所说的“平权行动”指的是某些学校的高等教育政策,根据这一政策,一个人作为一个未被充分代表的少数族裔的身份,会被明确地、积极地考虑到他或她的录取决定中。尽管设计者和辩护者的初衷是好的,但在我看来,这种做法本身就是一个混乱的概念,结果可能也会产生令人不安的“副作用”。为了说明其混乱的一个方面,即污名化的问题,下面是大法官克拉伦斯·托马斯(Clarence Thomas)在最高法院格鲁特诉博林格(Grutter vs. Bollinger)一案中言辞尖锐的异议摘录,该案件的裁决支持密歇根大学法学院的平权行动计划。…
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
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