Appointing the Prime Minister under Incongruence: Taiwan in Comparison with France and Russia

Yu-Shan Wu
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引用次数: 8

Abstract

This article attempts to answer the question of why ROC President Chen Shui-bian has not appointed an opposition leader to be prime minister although the opposition has maintained a majority in the Legislative Yuan. This question is raised because the 1997 amendment of the ROC constitution is modeled on the French Fifth Republic, and a French president under similar circumstances would opt for ”cohabitation.” A typology of the modes of interactions between the president and the parliament under an incongruent semipresidential system is offered in which four modes are identified: ”cohabitation” a la French Fifth Republic, ”compromise” or ”division of labor,” as in Finland or Poland, ”collision,” as exemplified by Weimar Germany, and ”presidential supremacy,” as practiced in the Russian Federation. Taiwan since Chen's inauguration in May 2000 has been moving closer and closer to the ideal type of ”presidential supremacy,” as evidenced by the increasing assertion of Chen in appointing four consecutive prime ministers, and the corresponding acquiescence by the opposition-dominated parliament. This presidential ascendancy is attributed to low credibility of a successful vote of no confidence (SVNC) on Chen's prime ministers. That low credibility, in turn, is attributed to dismal electoral prospects and the lack of a will to fight of the opposition leadership, and high coordination hurdles for the opposition parties. It is asserted that the future mode of president-parliament interaction in Taiwan would still be determined by those factors bearing on the credibility of an SVNC, given that the ROC's constitutional structure remains semipresidential.
不协调下的总理任命:台湾与法国、俄国之比较
这篇文章试图回答为什么中华民国总统陈水扁没有任命反对党领袖为行政院长,尽管反对党在立法院保持多数。之所以提出这个问题,是因为1997年的中华民国宪法修正案是以法兰西第五共和国为模板的,在类似的情况下,法国总统会选择“同居”。在不一致的半总统制下,总统与议会之间互动模式的类型学被提出,其中确定了四种模式:法兰西第五共和国的“同居”,芬兰或波兰的“妥协”或“分工”,魏玛德国的“碰撞”,以及俄罗斯联邦实行的“总统至上”。自2000年5月陈水扁就职以来,台湾已经越来越接近“总统至上”的理想类型,这可以从陈水扁连续任命四位总理的主张和反对党主导的议会的相应默许中得到证明。总统的优势是由于对陈的总理们成功的不信任投票(SVNC)的低可信度。这种低可信度反过来又归因于选举前景黯淡、反对派领导层缺乏战斗意愿,以及反对党面临的高度协调障碍。鉴于中华民国的宪法结构仍然是半总统制,因此,台湾未来的“总统-立法院”互动模式仍将取决于与SVNC可信度有关的因素。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
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