What Is Best for Europe?

Luke A. Patey
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Abstract

Across European and Western liberal market democracies, China’s rise exposes friction between economic interests and political values and challenge common foreign and security policy in the European Union. From positions of economic weakness, Greece, Hungary, and Portugal have blocked or watered down common security, human rights, and economic positions in the regional body. Beijing’s formation of a formal group with Central and Eastern European countries, the so-called 17+1, is similarly seen in Brussels as a “divide and rule” tactic. Yet while European governments receive ample criticism for neglecting their political values in order to advance economic relations with China, the economic importance of China to the EU is rarely scrutinized. For large member states like Germany and France, and smaller ones such as Denmark and Norway, trade and investment with China does not produce a relationship of economic dependency for the EU as commonly perceived, particularly as China’s state capitalist system produces new competition for European companies. Beijing’s infringements on European democratic values and competitive economic pressures are changing the public discourse on China, but without a collective response, economic relations with China will only become more asymmetric than they are today.
什么对欧洲最好?
在欧洲和西方自由市场民主国家,中国的崛起暴露了经济利益和政治价值观之间的摩擦,并挑战了欧盟共同的外交和安全政策。希腊、匈牙利和葡萄牙在经济上处于弱势地位,它们阻碍或削弱了欧盟在安全、人权和经济方面的共同地位。北京与中欧和东欧国家组建正式的“17+1”组织,在布鲁塞尔也同样被视为一种“分而治之”策略。然而,尽管欧洲各国政府因为了推进与中国的经济关系而忽视了自己的政治价值观而受到大量批评,但中国对欧盟的经济重要性却很少受到审视。对于德国和法国这样的大成员国,以及丹麦和挪威这样的小成员国来说,与中国的贸易和投资并没有像人们普遍认为的那样,给欧盟带来经济依赖关系,尤其是在中国的国家资本主义制度给欧洲企业带来新的竞争的情况下。北京对欧洲民主价值观的侵犯和竞争性经济压力正在改变公众对中国的看法,但如果没有集体回应,与中国的经济关系只会变得比现在更加不对称。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
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