{"title":"The rise of a concessive “category reassessment” construction","authors":"E. Traugott","doi":"10.1075/jhp.00051.tra","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"\n In the Late Modern English period, several expressions arose with concessive ‘despite what might be expected’\n meaning, among them anyway, nonetheless and all the same (Lenker 2010). The topic of this paper is the rise of the specialized concessive construction “but (be) X all\n the same”. In the full rhetorical formula of which it is a part, X is initially represented as not having properties Y but\n nevertheless as having sufficient other relevant properties to be classified as X, as in “…fear. It is not the eye-rolling,\n quaking fear seen in police states, but it is fear all the same” (1963 coha). Here the writer concedes that there is fear\n despite Y (see Horn [1991] on “redundant information”) and invites the addressee to\n reinterpret the initial X retrospectively (see Haselow [2013] on functions of “final\n particles”). Using data mainly from clmet3.0 and coha, I discuss the conventionalization of this construction in\n terms of Diachronic Construction Grammar and argue alongside, for example, Goldberg\n (2004); Cappelle (2017) and Finkbeiner\n (2019) that pragmatics should be given a larger role in construction grammar than has often been the case in the\n past.","PeriodicalId":446907,"journal":{"name":"Historical Pragmatics today","volume":"63 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0000,"publicationDate":"2021-12-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"1","resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"Historical Pragmatics today","FirstCategoryId":"1085","ListUrlMain":"https://doi.org/10.1075/jhp.00051.tra","RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":null,"ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"","JCRName":"","Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 1
Abstract
In the Late Modern English period, several expressions arose with concessive ‘despite what might be expected’
meaning, among them anyway, nonetheless and all the same (Lenker 2010). The topic of this paper is the rise of the specialized concessive construction “but (be) X all
the same”. In the full rhetorical formula of which it is a part, X is initially represented as not having properties Y but
nevertheless as having sufficient other relevant properties to be classified as X, as in “…fear. It is not the eye-rolling,
quaking fear seen in police states, but it is fear all the same” (1963 coha). Here the writer concedes that there is fear
despite Y (see Horn [1991] on “redundant information”) and invites the addressee to
reinterpret the initial X retrospectively (see Haselow [2013] on functions of “final
particles”). Using data mainly from clmet3.0 and coha, I discuss the conventionalization of this construction in
terms of Diachronic Construction Grammar and argue alongside, for example, Goldberg
(2004); Cappelle (2017) and Finkbeiner
(2019) that pragmatics should be given a larger role in construction grammar than has often been the case in the
past.
在晚期现代英语时期,有几个表达带有让步的“尽管可能是预期的”意思,其中包括anyway, anyway和all the same (Lenker 2010)。本文的主题是“but (be) X all The same”这一专业让步结构的兴起。在完整的修辞公式中,它是其中的一部分,X最初被表示为没有属性Y,但仍然有足够的其他相关属性可以归类为X,比如“……恐惧”。这不是在警察国家看到的翻白眼、颤抖的恐惧,但它仍然是恐惧”(1963 coha)。在这里,作者承认尽管Y存在恐惧(见Horn[1991]关于“冗余信息”),并邀请收件人回顾性地重新解释最初的X(见Haselow[2013]关于“最终粒子”的功能)。使用主要来自clmet3.0和coha的数据,我从历时结构语法的角度讨论了这种结构的约定俗成,并与Goldberg(2004)等人进行了辩论;Cappelle(2017)和Finkbeiner(2019)认为语用学应该在构式语法中发挥比过去更大的作用。