John of Damascus in the Summa Halensis
J. Zachhuber
{"title":"John of Damascus in the Summa Halensis","authors":"J. Zachhuber","doi":"10.1515/9783110685022-008","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"This chapter examines the quotations from John of Damascus’ De fide orthodoxa contained in the Summa Halensis, specifically in its section on the assumption of human nature in the Incarnation. Starting from contextual observations, the paper moves, in a first step, to an analysis of citations from the Damascene in Peter Lombard’s Sentences. The authoritative role of the latter writing meant that its often idiosyncratic use of the Damascene was passed on to later scholastics, such as the authors of the Summa. A detailed consideration of ten quotations from the Damascene in the Summa, which makes up the second part of the paper, reveals a complex pattern of reception. Passages from De fide orthodoxa were often taken out of context, truncated, or both, in order to serve as building blocks in the Summa’s own, dialectical presentation of a theological topic. In conclusion, the paper cautions against the conventional assumption equating the number of references to an authority in the Summa with their conceptual influence. The reader of the Summa Halensis is not only confronted with the extraordinary quantity of its literary achievement. Equally intimidating is the number of references made in this work of the early Franciscan school to a vast number of authorities: pagan, Jewish, Muslim, and Christian authors from antiquity up until their own time are cited, often with precise or seemingly precise references to the passages from which these citations have been taken. Among this huge number of intertextual references, quotations from the 8-century Greek-Arabic theologian John of Damascus make up a not inconsiderable part. According to the comprehensive index of citations which the Quaracchi editors of the Summa have prepared, there is a total of 591 references to the work of the Damascene.1 Almost all of them are taken from one book, his ̓́Εκδοσις ἀκριβὴς τῆς ὀρθοδόξου πίστεως.2 This summary of Greek Patristic theology had been translated into Latin under the title De fide orthodoxa by Burgundio of Pisa in the mid 12 century.3 Its impact on Western scholasticism was nearly Doctoris irrefragabilis Alexandri de Hales Ordinis minorum Summa theologica: Indices in tom. I-IV (Quaracchi: Collegium S. Bonaventurae, 1979), 148–50. John of Damascus, Die Schriften des Johannes von Damaskos, vol. 2, Expositio Fidei, ed. Bonifatius Kotter (Berlin/New York: de Gruyter, 1973). Saint John Damascene, De Fide Orthodoxa:Versions of Burgundio and Cerbanus, ed. Eligius M. Buytaert (St Bonaventure, NY: Franciscan Institute, 1955). In what follows, I use this title to refer to both the Greek and the Latin versions of John’s treatise. OpenAccess. © 2020 Lydia Schumacher, published by De Gruyter. This work is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 License. https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110685022-008 immediate not least because Peter Lombard made heavy use of this work in his four books of Sentences, a work of unrivalled influence in subsequent centuries. It is immediately evident that both the Lombard and 13-century writers, such as the author of the Summa Halensis, considered John a great authority. His work is cited alongside the most respected Patristic and medieval authorities, such as Augustine or Anselm of Canterbury even though these two thinkers and Augustine especially, admittedly, outrank the Greek theologian. Yet how influential was the Damascene on doctrinal and conceptual developments during this period? This question is much more difficult to answer than might first appear from the massive number of quotations from his work that were incorporated into the writings of his medieval readers. Part of the reason for this lies in the particular citation technique employed by early scholastic authors in which it is often far from evident what the function of a particular authoritative quotation is within a given argument. One way to address this difficulty is to pay closer attention to individual references within their context.What is quoted? Are quotations faithful to their original context (and indeed their original text, as far as we can make it out)? How are the quoted texts used in their new textual environment? My chapter will contribute to this study which, as far as I can see, has not so far been extensively undertaken, certainly not for the quotations in the Summa Halensis. For practical reasons, I could only analyse a small selection of citations. It is thus inevitable that more general conclusions can only be drawn with caution. Yet I hope that the tendencies emerging from my research may nonetheless be enlightening. As the basis for my investigation, I have chosen the section in Part 3 of the Summa which deals with the Incarnation. More specifically, I have focussed on those passages in which the Franciscan author deals with the notoriously difficult problem of Christ’s assumption of human nature and the character of the ensuing divine-human union. There are obvious reasons for this selection. These problems were at the heart of Eastern doctrinal debate and development between the 5 and the 8 centuries.4 John of Damascus’ magnum opus offers an excellent summary of the systematic outcome of these debates, at least on the Chalcedonian side. In the Latin West, Christology emerged as a major doctrinal problem during the 12 century.5 The amount of sophisticated Christological literature that existed in Latin up until that point which could be utilised in the ensuing discussions was limited.6 Nat Andrew Louth, ‘Christology in the East from the Council of Chalcedon to John of Damascus,’ in The Oxford Handbook of Christology, ed. Francesca Murphy (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2015), 139–53. Lauge Olaf Nielsen, Theology and Philosophy in the Twelfth Century: A Study of Gilbert of Porreta’s Thinking and the Theological Expositions of the Doctrine of the Incarnation during the Period 1130– 1180 (Leiden: Brill, 1982), 193–361. The Christological controversy of the first millennium was essentially an Eastern affair in which some Latin theologians participated. Most of the latter, however, were thinkers with deep roots in the Greek intellectual tradition, such as Boethius or Facundus of Hermiane. 92 Johannes Zachhuber","PeriodicalId":153743,"journal":{"name":"The Summa Halensis","volume":"33 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0000,"publicationDate":"2020-05-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"0","resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"The Summa Halensis","FirstCategoryId":"1085","ListUrlMain":"https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110685022-008","RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":null,"ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"","JCRName":"","Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
Abstract
This chapter examines the quotations from John of Damascus’ De fide orthodoxa contained in the Summa Halensis, specifically in its section on the assumption of human nature in the Incarnation. Starting from contextual observations, the paper moves, in a first step, to an analysis of citations from the Damascene in Peter Lombard’s Sentences. The authoritative role of the latter writing meant that its often idiosyncratic use of the Damascene was passed on to later scholastics, such as the authors of the Summa. A detailed consideration of ten quotations from the Damascene in the Summa, which makes up the second part of the paper, reveals a complex pattern of reception. Passages from De fide orthodoxa were often taken out of context, truncated, or both, in order to serve as building blocks in the Summa’s own, dialectical presentation of a theological topic. In conclusion, the paper cautions against the conventional assumption equating the number of references to an authority in the Summa with their conceptual influence. The reader of the Summa Halensis is not only confronted with the extraordinary quantity of its literary achievement. Equally intimidating is the number of references made in this work of the early Franciscan school to a vast number of authorities: pagan, Jewish, Muslim, and Christian authors from antiquity up until their own time are cited, often with precise or seemingly precise references to the passages from which these citations have been taken. Among this huge number of intertextual references, quotations from the 8-century Greek-Arabic theologian John of Damascus make up a not inconsiderable part. According to the comprehensive index of citations which the Quaracchi editors of the Summa have prepared, there is a total of 591 references to the work of the Damascene.1 Almost all of them are taken from one book, his ̓́Εκδοσις ἀκριβὴς τῆς ὀρθοδόξου πίστεως.2 This summary of Greek Patristic theology had been translated into Latin under the title De fide orthodoxa by Burgundio of Pisa in the mid 12 century.3 Its impact on Western scholasticism was nearly Doctoris irrefragabilis Alexandri de Hales Ordinis minorum Summa theologica: Indices in tom. I-IV (Quaracchi: Collegium S. Bonaventurae, 1979), 148–50. John of Damascus, Die Schriften des Johannes von Damaskos, vol. 2, Expositio Fidei, ed. Bonifatius Kotter (Berlin/New York: de Gruyter, 1973). Saint John Damascene, De Fide Orthodoxa:Versions of Burgundio and Cerbanus, ed. Eligius M. Buytaert (St Bonaventure, NY: Franciscan Institute, 1955). In what follows, I use this title to refer to both the Greek and the Latin versions of John’s treatise. OpenAccess. © 2020 Lydia Schumacher, published by De Gruyter. This work is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 License. https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110685022-008 immediate not least because Peter Lombard made heavy use of this work in his four books of Sentences, a work of unrivalled influence in subsequent centuries. It is immediately evident that both the Lombard and 13-century writers, such as the author of the Summa Halensis, considered John a great authority. His work is cited alongside the most respected Patristic and medieval authorities, such as Augustine or Anselm of Canterbury even though these two thinkers and Augustine especially, admittedly, outrank the Greek theologian. Yet how influential was the Damascene on doctrinal and conceptual developments during this period? This question is much more difficult to answer than might first appear from the massive number of quotations from his work that were incorporated into the writings of his medieval readers. Part of the reason for this lies in the particular citation technique employed by early scholastic authors in which it is often far from evident what the function of a particular authoritative quotation is within a given argument. One way to address this difficulty is to pay closer attention to individual references within their context.What is quoted? Are quotations faithful to their original context (and indeed their original text, as far as we can make it out)? How are the quoted texts used in their new textual environment? My chapter will contribute to this study which, as far as I can see, has not so far been extensively undertaken, certainly not for the quotations in the Summa Halensis. For practical reasons, I could only analyse a small selection of citations. It is thus inevitable that more general conclusions can only be drawn with caution. Yet I hope that the tendencies emerging from my research may nonetheless be enlightening. As the basis for my investigation, I have chosen the section in Part 3 of the Summa which deals with the Incarnation. More specifically, I have focussed on those passages in which the Franciscan author deals with the notoriously difficult problem of Christ’s assumption of human nature and the character of the ensuing divine-human union. There are obvious reasons for this selection. These problems were at the heart of Eastern doctrinal debate and development between the 5 and the 8 centuries.4 John of Damascus’ magnum opus offers an excellent summary of the systematic outcome of these debates, at least on the Chalcedonian side. In the Latin West, Christology emerged as a major doctrinal problem during the 12 century.5 The amount of sophisticated Christological literature that existed in Latin up until that point which could be utilised in the ensuing discussions was limited.6 Nat Andrew Louth, ‘Christology in the East from the Council of Chalcedon to John of Damascus,’ in The Oxford Handbook of Christology, ed. Francesca Murphy (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2015), 139–53. Lauge Olaf Nielsen, Theology and Philosophy in the Twelfth Century: A Study of Gilbert of Porreta’s Thinking and the Theological Expositions of the Doctrine of the Incarnation during the Period 1130– 1180 (Leiden: Brill, 1982), 193–361. The Christological controversy of the first millennium was essentially an Eastern affair in which some Latin theologians participated. Most of the latter, however, were thinkers with deep roots in the Greek intellectual tradition, such as Boethius or Facundus of Hermiane. 92 Johannes Zachhuber
大马士革的约翰在Summa Halensis
本章考察了大马士革的约翰在《halma Summa Halensis》中所引用的正统教义,特别是在化身中对人性的假设部分。本文首先从语境观察出发,对彼得·伦巴第《句子》中的大马士革引文进行分析。后者著作的权威作用意味着其对大马士革语的特殊用法被传递给后来的经院学者,如《总结》的作者。对论文第二部分《总结》中《大马士革》的十句引语的详细分析,揭示了一种复杂的接受模式。来自正统教义的段落经常被断章取义,或被截断,或两者兼而有之,以作为总结自己的基础,辩证地呈现神学主题。最后,本文提出警告,反对将《概要》中提及某一权威的次数与其概念影响等同起来的传统假设。《halma Summa ensis》的读者不仅要面对其文学成就的非凡数量。同样令人生畏的是,在这本早期方济各会学派的著作中,引用了大量的权威文献:从古代到他们自己的时代,异教、犹太教、穆斯林和基督教的作者被引用,通常是精确的或看似精确的引用这些引用的段落。在这大量的互文参考文献中,8世纪希腊-阿拉伯神学家大马士革的约翰(John of Damascus)的语录占了相当大的一部分。根据《总集》的Quaracchi编辑们所准备的综合引文索引,关于大马士革人的著作总共有591处参考文献。1几乎所有这些文献都摘自一本书,即他的ο´Εκδοσις ο κριβ ρ ς τ τ ς οδ ου π στεω s。212世纪中叶,比萨的勃艮第将这部希腊教父神学的概要翻译成拉丁文,书名为《正统论》它对西方经院哲学的影响几乎是亚历山大·德·黑尔斯,《不可整理的博士》《神学大全:汤姆索引》。I-IV(中国科学院学报,1979),148-50。大马士革的约翰,《大马士革的约翰史》,第2卷,博尼法修斯·科特编(柏林/纽约:德·格鲁伊特,1973年)。《正统信仰:勃艮第和塞班纳斯的版本》,Eligius M. Buytaert主编(St Bonaventure, NY: Franciscan Institute, 1955)。在接下来的内容中,我用这个标题来指代约翰论文的希腊文和拉丁文版本。OpenAccess。©2020 Lydia Schumacher, De Gruyter出版。本作品采用知识共享署名-非商业-非衍生品4.0许可协议。https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110685022-008直接,尤其是因为彼得·伦巴第在他的四本《句子集》中大量使用了这部作品,这部作品在随后的几个世纪里产生了无与伦比的影响。很明显,伦巴第和13世纪的作家,比如《halma Summa ensis》的作者,都认为约翰是一位伟大的权威。他的作品与最受尊敬的教父和中世纪权威一起被引用,比如奥古斯丁或坎特伯雷的安瑟伦,尽管这两位思想家,尤其是奥古斯丁,不可否认,比这位希腊神学家更重要。然而,大马士革在这一时期对教义和概念发展的影响有多大?这个问题比最初从他的作品中引用的大量引文(这些引文被纳入他的中世纪读者的作品中)中出现的要难回答得多。造成这种情况的部分原因在于早期学术作者采用的特殊引用技术,在这种技术中,在给定的论点中,特定权威引文的功能往往远不明显。解决这一困难的一种方法是密切关注上下文中的单个引用。引用了什么?引文是否忠实于其原始语境(就我们所能理解的而言,确实忠实于其原始文本)?被引用的文本在新的文本环境中是如何使用的?我的章节将对这项研究有所贡献,据我所知,到目前为止,这项研究还没有得到广泛的开展,当然也没有在《halma Summa ensis》中引用。出于实际原因,我只能分析一小部分引文。因此,只能谨慎地得出更普遍的结论是不可避免的。然而,我希望从我的研究中出现的趋势可能会有所启发。作为我研究的基础,我选择了《总论》第三部分中关于化身的部分。更具体地说,我关注的是这位方济各会的作者处理了一个众所周知的难题,即基督的人性假设,以及随后的神人结合的特征。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。