The Models of Criminal Procedure

E. Luna
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引用次数: 7

Abstract

Although contemporary criminal procedure doctrine is palatable to most members of American society, there are grave and often unnoticed dangers in ad hoc doctrinal development. Precedents without theoretical justification suffer from backbones only as sturdy as the relevant judicial majority and are particularly vulnerable to slow accretions of official power. The only insurance against doctrinal creep-and-crawl is a commitment to legal principles grounded in constitutional theory. In this article, I offer a range of "models" connecting criminal procedure with constitutional theory. The poles of the theoretical spectrum were originally articulated by Professor Herbert Packer more than three decades ago: The "crime control" model extols social control at the price of individual freedom and views the suppression of crime as the ultimate goal of the criminal justice system. Towards this end, the crime control model seeks maximum informality, uniformity, and finality in the criminal process. The "due process" model is diametrically opposed to this approach and instead reveres individual autonomy and dignity at the price of social efficiency. This model is highly critical of the criminal justice system and seeks to check government at every turn. Although neither model reflects the current state of criminal procedure nor a thoroughly appealing normative approach, each provides a terminal point at the opposing ends of a rational continuum. These polar positions can thereby limit the playing field for discussion, accentuate the value judgments at stake, and, most importantly, facilitate comparison between other models. Within this framework, I examine three modern criminal procedure models founded on comprehensive constitutional theories. The "neo-federalist" model pursues the first principles of criminal procedure by placing heavy reliance on the text, context, and structure of the Constitution. In particular, it considers the pursuit of truth and the protection of the innocent to be the fundamental goals of the criminal justice system while conversely advocating the elimination or curtailment of criminal procedure rights which do not further these goals. The "antidiscrimination" model is primarily concerned with means rather than ends and takes a participational orientation to criminal procedure. It focuses on the decisionmaking machinery of government and the allocation of costs, demanding that minority groups have access to the political process and that burdens be spread across the relevant community. And finally, the "individual rights" model offers a sovereignty-based theory of criminal procedure grounded in neo-Kantian individualism. It designates zones of autonomy that must be reserved to the individual as well as the circumstances that would justify intrusion into these otherwise inviolate areas, providing interpretive content for the relevant constitutional guarantees. After considering their origins, mechanics, and criticisms, the criminal procedure models are run through a gauntlet of factual scenarios to test their merits and provide a springboard for scholarly discussion. Although I offer a preliminary assessment of the models, this article does not attempt to resolve the debate for all times but instead seeks to challenge the legal affinity for naked doctrine while suggesting some potential solutions to the theoretical vacuum.
刑事诉讼模式
尽管当代刑事诉讼原则为美国社会的大多数成员所接受,但在特别的理论发展中存在着严重的、往往不为人注意的危险。没有理论依据的先例只会受到相关司法多数的坚定支持,而且特别容易受到官方权力缓慢增长的影响。唯一能防止教条主义“爬行”的办法是对以宪法理论为基础的法律原则的承诺。在本文中,我提出了一系列将刑事诉讼与宪法理论联系起来的“模式”。三十多年前,赫伯特·帕克(Herbert Packer)教授最初阐述了理论光谱的两个极端:“犯罪控制”模型以牺牲个人自由为代价颂扬社会控制,并将抑制犯罪视为刑事司法系统的最终目标。为此,犯罪控制模式在刑事过程中寻求最大程度的非正式性、统一性和终局性。“正当程序”模式与这种做法截然相反,相反,它以牺牲社会效率为代价,尊重个人的自主权和尊严。这种模式对刑事司法系统提出了高度批评,并试图在每一个转折点上制衡政府。尽管这两种模式都不能反映刑事诉讼程序的现状,也不是一种完全吸引人的规范方法,但它们都在理性连续体的对立两端提供了一个终点。因此,这些极端立场可以限制讨论的竞争环境,强调利害攸关的价值判断,最重要的是,促进其他模型之间的比较。在这个框架内,我考察了建立在综合宪法理论基础上的三种现代刑事诉讼模式。“新联邦主义”模式通过严重依赖宪法的文本、背景和结构来追求刑事诉讼的第一原则。特别是,它认为追求真相和保护无辜者是刑事司法制度的基本目标,同时反过来主张取消或限制不利于这些目标的刑事诉讼权利。“反歧视”模式主要关注的是手段而不是目的,并对刑事诉讼采取参与性取向。它的重点是政府的决策机制和费用的分配,要求少数群体有机会参与政治进程,并要求将负担分摊到有关社区。最后,“个人权利”模式提供了一种以新康德主义个人主义为基础的基于主权的刑事诉讼理论。它指定了必须保留给个人的自治区,以及有理由侵入这些本来不受侵犯的地区的情况,为有关的宪法保障提供了解释性内容。在考虑了它们的起源、机制和批评之后,刑事程序模型通过一系列事实场景来测试它们的优点,并为学术讨论提供一个跳板。虽然我对这些模型进行了初步评估,但本文并不试图解决所有时代的争论,而是试图挑战裸主义的法律亲和力,同时提出一些潜在的解决理论真空的办法。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
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