Constitutions in Latin American Politics

Jonathan Hartlyn, A. Stoyan
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引用次数: 1

Abstract

Constitutions have been an important part of Latin America’s history since independence. While exhibiting frequent change, there have been continuities primarily regarding their republican form and presidentialism. Extensive scholarship exists on the origins of constitutions, their evolving design, and their effects concerning democratic stability and rights, particularly with regard to trends and patterns since the third wave of democratization in the late 1970s. Large-scale “refounding” constitutional reforms have gained traction with citizens and civil society groups, and populist leaders have promoted them as a solution for socioeconomic and political exclusion. Politicians have also favored both large- and small-scale changes as ways to continue in office, concentrate power, gain or maintain support, or defuse crises. With frequent changes and longer and more complex texts, sharp distinctions between constitutional moments defining the rules and ordinary politics occurring within the rules have blurred. The research on these issues regarding constitutions confronts challenges common to the analysis of weak institutions in general, including particularly endogeneity to existing power distributions in society and thus seeking to understand when and why key actors respect constitutional rules of the game. Some scholarship advances actor-centered linkage arguments connecting the origin, design, and effects of constitutions in a causal progression, on topics such as presidential powers, unequal democracies emerging from authoritarian regimes, or judicial independence. These arguments differ regarding the direct impact they ascribe to constitutions compared to other factors, particularly with more extended time horizons. They typically examine the narrow strategic interests of the key players while also considering when they may contemplate broader goals, especially when no one player is dominant. Though diffusion has played a role in constitutional process and design in the region, most scholars downplay its relative importance. Since the 1990s, there has been a significant expansion in a unidirectional, path-dependent fashion in the incorporation of social, economic, and cultural rights, as well as decentralization and participatory mechanisms. Unlike presidential re-election and presidential powers, which have seen more frequent and sometimes mixed evolution, once these rights and mechanisms are granted they are not formally reversed in subsequent reforms. Yet, their effective realization has been partial and uneven, typically requiring some combination of societal mobilization and institutional activation. Thus, other endogenous or exogenous factors are typically incorporated into explanations regarding their possible effects. Future research in many areas of constitutionalism could be enhanced by a more systematic cross-national multidimensional data collection effort, facilitating further quantitative and multi-methods empirical work. This will assist scholars in addressing the theoretical and methodological challenges in this field common to institutional research generally. At the same time, it is critical not to lose sight of the normative dimension of constitutionalism, given its symbolic and aspirational value as well as practical importance for democracy.
拉丁美洲政治中的宪法
自独立以来,宪法一直是拉丁美洲历史的重要组成部分。虽然表现出频繁的变化,但他们的共和形式和总统制主要是连续性的。关于宪法的起源、其演变的设计及其对民主稳定和权利的影响,特别是自1970年代末第三次民主化浪潮以来的趋势和模式,存在着大量的学术研究。大规模的“重建”宪法改革获得了公民和公民社会团体的支持,民粹主义领导人将其作为解决社会经济和政治排斥的办法加以推广。政客们也支持大规模和小规模的改革,以此作为继续执政、集中权力、获得或维持支持或化解危机的方式。随着频繁的变化和更长的、更复杂的文本,定义规则的宪法时刻和在规则范围内发生的普通政治之间的明显区别已经模糊。关于宪法的这些问题的研究面临着对一般薄弱制度分析的共同挑战,特别是对社会中现有权力分配的内生性,从而寻求理解关键行为者何时以及为什么尊重游戏的宪法规则。一些学者提出了以行动者为中心的联系论点,将宪法的起源、设计和影响以因果关系的方式联系起来,讨论的主题包括总统权力、专制政权中出现的不平等民主或司法独立。与其他因素相比,这些论点在宪法的直接影响方面存在分歧,特别是在更长的时间范围内。他们通常会考察关键参与者的狭隘战略利益,同时也会考虑何时可以考虑更广泛的目标,尤其是在没有一个参与者占主导地位的情况下。虽然扩散在该地区的宪法过程和设计中发挥了作用,但大多数学者都低估了它的相对重要性。自20世纪90年代以来,在纳入社会、经济和文化权利以及权力下放和参与机制方面,出现了单向、路径依赖的显著扩张。与总统连任和总统权力的演变更为频繁,有时甚至是混合的不同,一旦这些权利和机制被授予,它们就不会在随后的改革中被正式逆转。然而,它们的有效实现是局部和不平衡的,通常需要社会动员和机构活动的某种结合。因此,其他内源性或外源性因素通常被纳入对其可能影响的解释中。未来在许多宪政领域的研究可以通过更系统的跨国多维数据收集工作来加强,从而促进进一步的定量和多方法实证工作。这将有助于学者们解决这一领域的理论和方法上的挑战,这些挑战通常是机构研究所面临的。与此同时,鉴于宪政的象征和理想价值以及对民主的实际重要性,我们不能忽视宪政的规范层面,这一点至关重要。
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