Internet Liability Law Case Study: Private Regulation and Enforcement in the EU from the Citizens’ Perspective

C. Marsden
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It is the largest repository of human knowledge and information ever assembled. \nThis chapter sets out the directions in which researchers can explore the regulation by and of private actors on the internet. It sets out to answer the case study research questions, grouped as follows. \n1. What role has been exactly assigned to or been taken up by what private actors in the regulation and/or enforcement of what issue or problem? \n2. What are the reasons or incentives underlying this preference for private regulation or enforcement over public law arrangements or for involving private actors in such arrangements? \n3. What goals do such arrangements strive after and how realistic/achievable are these? \n4. How ambitious can such arrangements be; what can be realistically expected from private actors? \n5. In the case of hybrid arrangements, what is the exact nature of the private/public relation? \n6. Do the internet self- and co-regulatory arrangements have a legal foundation, and are specific legal constraints or conditions to be respected? \nThese six are the focus of sections 2 and 3. Section 2 explains the involvement of private actors in internet regulation, notably through co-regulation. The typology of co-regulation may be very familiar to some readers, who may proceed to their evaluation in section 3. The focus of section 4 is the main outstanding research question: how can private or public/private arrangements be regulated with a view to ensuring: \n• more/sufficient trust and credibility with citizens and stakeholders and the prevention of capture; \n• ‘internalisation’ of the set rules and therewith support and compliance; \n• flexibility and evaluation so as to ensure also long-term benefits of self- and co-regulation over public regulation? \nIn this final research question, the interplay between European and national law and policy is a constant concern in such a potentially global sector. \nCo-regulation has been the dominant legal arrangement for the internet in Europe, and I explore in some depth the implications of co-regulation by corporations such as Google in Europe. I focus on the case study of intermediary liability, in which private enforcement of law is severely challenged by concerns regarding too little liability for privacy and free speech rights. Networks that depart from neutrality to influence individual Internet users’ speech rights (notably the right to receive information free of censorship) can only do so having already invaded their privacy rights in ascertaining how those users access the internet. \nWithin these new arrangements, we must then consider what balancing or trade-offs between public and private interests, also vis-a-vis effectiveness concerns, would such organisation or regulation imply? In section 4, I explain that digital information policy is critically concerned with relationships between existing government–industry actors and ‘prosumer’ groups (ie producers and consumers), whose role in production, distribution and consumption is growing rapidly, and whose motivations and activism are often non-monetary. This is seen as requiring a more sophisticated interdisciplinary method for assessing contributions, motivations and sustainability of the ‘prosumer economy’, the growth of the virtual polity and social communities online, and a new prosumer law and policy to govern the regulation of the digital information ecology. This calls for a new form of consumer and citizen protection, which I term ‘prosumer law’. I explain its application in social networking regulation to conclude the section. In the concluding section 5, I argue that internet regulation’s specialisation in Europe, and the failure of mainstream regulation and competition law to fully absorb the insights of that scholarship, has led to tension. I further propose that the debate surrounding nudges and privacy affecting competition outcomes has yet to reinvent the 1990s wheel of nudge limitations. Prosumers can only affect outcomes at the margins, while it is private enforcement that really creates a transnational internet law and shapes the regulatory environment. Learning more internet regulatory history can help competition and regulation scholars herald and shape the arrival of prosumer law.","PeriodicalId":280836,"journal":{"name":"Private Regulation and Enforcement in the EU","volume":"213 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0000,"publicationDate":"2020-06-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"1","resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"Private Regulation and Enforcement in the EU","FirstCategoryId":"1085","ListUrlMain":"https://doi.org/10.5040/9781509919550.ch-011","RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":null,"ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"","JCRName":"","Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 1

Abstract

The internet is an interactive communications medium based on a network of networks (about 50,000 autonomous systems) of global reach. Because binary digital code can be used to transport and assemble complex artefacts via the Internet Protocol (IP – after which the internet is named), it can be considered the ‘medium of media’ – many formerly separate communications media are converging on the internet, including newspapers, television and radio, text-based information such as books and journals, and photography. Because the medium is interactive, it has increasingly been used for business – and consumer electronic commerce (e-commerce) – with huge implications for governance. It is the largest repository of human knowledge and information ever assembled. This chapter sets out the directions in which researchers can explore the regulation by and of private actors on the internet. It sets out to answer the case study research questions, grouped as follows. 1. What role has been exactly assigned to or been taken up by what private actors in the regulation and/or enforcement of what issue or problem? 2. What are the reasons or incentives underlying this preference for private regulation or enforcement over public law arrangements or for involving private actors in such arrangements? 3. What goals do such arrangements strive after and how realistic/achievable are these? 4. How ambitious can such arrangements be; what can be realistically expected from private actors? 5. In the case of hybrid arrangements, what is the exact nature of the private/public relation? 6. Do the internet self- and co-regulatory arrangements have a legal foundation, and are specific legal constraints or conditions to be respected? These six are the focus of sections 2 and 3. Section 2 explains the involvement of private actors in internet regulation, notably through co-regulation. The typology of co-regulation may be very familiar to some readers, who may proceed to their evaluation in section 3. The focus of section 4 is the main outstanding research question: how can private or public/private arrangements be regulated with a view to ensuring: • more/sufficient trust and credibility with citizens and stakeholders and the prevention of capture; • ‘internalisation’ of the set rules and therewith support and compliance; • flexibility and evaluation so as to ensure also long-term benefits of self- and co-regulation over public regulation? In this final research question, the interplay between European and national law and policy is a constant concern in such a potentially global sector. Co-regulation has been the dominant legal arrangement for the internet in Europe, and I explore in some depth the implications of co-regulation by corporations such as Google in Europe. I focus on the case study of intermediary liability, in which private enforcement of law is severely challenged by concerns regarding too little liability for privacy and free speech rights. Networks that depart from neutrality to influence individual Internet users’ speech rights (notably the right to receive information free of censorship) can only do so having already invaded their privacy rights in ascertaining how those users access the internet. Within these new arrangements, we must then consider what balancing or trade-offs between public and private interests, also vis-a-vis effectiveness concerns, would such organisation or regulation imply? In section 4, I explain that digital information policy is critically concerned with relationships between existing government–industry actors and ‘prosumer’ groups (ie producers and consumers), whose role in production, distribution and consumption is growing rapidly, and whose motivations and activism are often non-monetary. This is seen as requiring a more sophisticated interdisciplinary method for assessing contributions, motivations and sustainability of the ‘prosumer economy’, the growth of the virtual polity and social communities online, and a new prosumer law and policy to govern the regulation of the digital information ecology. This calls for a new form of consumer and citizen protection, which I term ‘prosumer law’. I explain its application in social networking regulation to conclude the section. In the concluding section 5, I argue that internet regulation’s specialisation in Europe, and the failure of mainstream regulation and competition law to fully absorb the insights of that scholarship, has led to tension. I further propose that the debate surrounding nudges and privacy affecting competition outcomes has yet to reinvent the 1990s wheel of nudge limitations. Prosumers can only affect outcomes at the margins, while it is private enforcement that really creates a transnational internet law and shapes the regulatory environment. Learning more internet regulatory history can help competition and regulation scholars herald and shape the arrival of prosumer law.
互联网责任法律案例研究:公民视角下的欧盟私人监管与执法
互联网是一种基于全球网络网络(约50,000个自治系统)的交互式通信媒介。由于二进制数字代码可用于通过互联网协议(IP - Internet以此命名)传输和组装复杂的人工制品,因此可以将其视为“媒体中的媒体”-许多以前独立的通信媒体正在互联网上聚合,包括报纸,电视和广播,基于文本的信息,如书籍和期刊,以及摄影。由于这种媒介是交互式的,它越来越多地用于商业和消费者电子商务(电子商务),这对治理有着巨大的影响。它是有史以来最大的人类知识和信息宝库。本章列出了研究人员可以探索互联网上私人行为者的监管方向。它着手回答案例研究的问题,分组如下。1. 在监管和/或执行什么问题或问题时,什么角色被确切地分配给或由什么私人行为者承担?2. 这种倾向于私人监管或执行而不是公法安排或让私人行为者参与此类安排的原因或动机是什么?3.这些安排所追求的目标是什么?这些目标有多现实/可实现?4. 这样的安排是多么雄心勃勃啊;从私人行为者那里可以实际地期望什么?5. 在混合安排的情况下,公私关系的确切性质是什么?6. 互联网自我规管和共同规管安排是否有法律基础,是否有特定的法律约束或条件需要尊重?这六个是第二节和第三节的重点。第2节解释了私人行为者在互联网监管中的参与,特别是通过共同监管。对于一些读者来说,共同调节的类型可能非常熟悉,他们可以在第3节中进行评估。第4节的重点是主要的突出的研究问题:如何对私人或公共/私人安排进行监管,以确保:•与公民和利益相关者建立更多/充分的信任和信誉,并防止捕获;•既定规则的“内部化”,从而获得支持和遵守;•灵活性和评估,以确保自我和共同监管相对于公共监管的长期利益?在这个最后的研究问题中,欧洲和国家法律和政策之间的相互作用是这样一个潜在的全球部门不断关注的问题。共同监管一直是欧洲互联网的主要法律安排,我深入探讨了欧洲b谷歌等公司共同监管的影响。我将重点放在中介责任的案例研究上,在这个案例中,私人执法受到隐私和言论自由权利责任过少的担忧的严重挑战。偏离中立以影响个人互联网用户言论权利(特别是不受审查地接收信息的权利)的网络,只有在确定这些用户如何访问互联网时已经侵犯了他们的隐私权,才能这样做。在这些新的安排中,我们必须考虑这样的组织或监管意味着公共和私人利益之间的平衡或权衡,以及对效率的担忧。在第4节中,我解释了数字信息政策与现有政府-行业行为者和“产消”群体(即生产者和消费者)之间的关系密切相关,后者在生产、分配和消费中的作用正在迅速增长,其动机和行动主义往往是非货币的。这被视为需要一种更复杂的跨学科方法来评估“产消费经济”的贡献、动机和可持续性,虚拟政治和在线社会社区的增长,以及一种新的产消费法律和政策来管理数字信息生态的监管。这需要一种新的消费者和公民保护形式,我称之为“产消法”。最后,我将解释其在社交网络监管中的应用。在结束语第5部分,我认为欧洲互联网监管的专业化,以及主流监管和竞争法未能充分吸收该学术的见解,导致了紧张关系。我进一步提出,围绕推动和隐私影响竞争结果的辩论尚未重塑上世纪90年代推动限制的车轮。消费者只能在边际上影响结果,而真正创造跨国互联网法律并塑造监管环境的是私人执法。了解更多的互联网监管历史可以帮助竞争和监管学者预示和塑造产消法的到来。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
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