{"title":"Self-Incrimination's Covert Federalism","authors":"P. Westen","doi":"10.15779/Z38JS75","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"The Privilege against Self-Incrimination is widely lauded by courts as an \"ancient,\" \"venerable,\" \"noble\" principle of justice, a \"precious\" privilege of free men, and a \"mainstay of the American adversary system\" - from which it is natural to assume that the privilege enjoys special, perhaps even absolute protection. It is also natural to assume that once the U.S. Supreme Court interprets the privilege to prevent the state from using a witness's testimony against him, Congress may not disregard the interpretation by authorizing the state to use such testimony against him. Indeed, the Court seemed to support that view in Dickerson v. United States (2000), holding that Congress may not lawfully replace Court-imposed Miranda warnings with a provision that authorizes the federal government to use any statement against an arrestee that is \"voluntary.\" I shall argue that the foregoing assumptions are both mistaken and that both mistakes derive from a failure to appreciate the significance of Murphy v. Waterfront Commission 1964). The decision in Murphy, which the Court recently reaffirmed in United States v. Balsys (1998), demonstrates that the Court is willing to resolve Fifth Amendment cases by weighing individual interests against governmental interests. Murphy also suggests that the federal courts have authority to effectuate the testimonial interests that underlie the privilege by adopting rules of federal common law or constitutional common law that Congress, in turn, has constitutional authority to modify. Commentators fail to appreciate Murphy's significance because they focus on only one of the two things that Murphy does. They focus on its interpretation of the privilege to protect witnesses before one government within the United States (whether state or federal) from being compelled to give testimony that may incriminate them in the courts of other governments within the United States (whether state or federal). The true significance of Murphy, however, lies in a covert and companion ruling in Murphy that serves as a predicate for Murphy's interpretation of the privilege - an interpretation that, in the end, is relatively prosaic, given Murphy's companion ruling. Murphy's companion ruling has passed largely unnoticed, but it enabled the Murphy Court to interpret the privilege in the way it did. The companion ruling is a federal or constitutional common law rule of use immunity: it is a rule to the effect that each and every government within the United States has authority to grant any witness a certain measure of immunity in the courts of every other government within the United States, simply by ordering the witness to testify over the witness's claim that testifying will lead to self-incrimination in the courts of those other governments. Murphy's Exclusionary Rule reveals something significant about the scope of the privilege against self-incrimination with respect to judicial witnesses. It reveals that the Fifth and Fourteenth Amendment privilege is only as strong as the government's ability to elicit testimony under grants of use immunity, and that where governments within the United States lack authority to grant witnesses immunity, the privilege that witnesses ordinarily possess not to be compelled to incriminate themselves must yield to the government's interest in obtaining their testimony.","PeriodicalId":386851,"journal":{"name":"Berkeley Journal of Criminal Law","volume":"10 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0000,"publicationDate":"2006-11-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"0","resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"Berkeley Journal of Criminal Law","FirstCategoryId":"1085","ListUrlMain":"https://doi.org/10.15779/Z38JS75","RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":null,"ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"","JCRName":"","Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
Abstract
The Privilege against Self-Incrimination is widely lauded by courts as an "ancient," "venerable," "noble" principle of justice, a "precious" privilege of free men, and a "mainstay of the American adversary system" - from which it is natural to assume that the privilege enjoys special, perhaps even absolute protection. It is also natural to assume that once the U.S. Supreme Court interprets the privilege to prevent the state from using a witness's testimony against him, Congress may not disregard the interpretation by authorizing the state to use such testimony against him. Indeed, the Court seemed to support that view in Dickerson v. United States (2000), holding that Congress may not lawfully replace Court-imposed Miranda warnings with a provision that authorizes the federal government to use any statement against an arrestee that is "voluntary." I shall argue that the foregoing assumptions are both mistaken and that both mistakes derive from a failure to appreciate the significance of Murphy v. Waterfront Commission 1964). The decision in Murphy, which the Court recently reaffirmed in United States v. Balsys (1998), demonstrates that the Court is willing to resolve Fifth Amendment cases by weighing individual interests against governmental interests. Murphy also suggests that the federal courts have authority to effectuate the testimonial interests that underlie the privilege by adopting rules of federal common law or constitutional common law that Congress, in turn, has constitutional authority to modify. Commentators fail to appreciate Murphy's significance because they focus on only one of the two things that Murphy does. They focus on its interpretation of the privilege to protect witnesses before one government within the United States (whether state or federal) from being compelled to give testimony that may incriminate them in the courts of other governments within the United States (whether state or federal). The true significance of Murphy, however, lies in a covert and companion ruling in Murphy that serves as a predicate for Murphy's interpretation of the privilege - an interpretation that, in the end, is relatively prosaic, given Murphy's companion ruling. Murphy's companion ruling has passed largely unnoticed, but it enabled the Murphy Court to interpret the privilege in the way it did. The companion ruling is a federal or constitutional common law rule of use immunity: it is a rule to the effect that each and every government within the United States has authority to grant any witness a certain measure of immunity in the courts of every other government within the United States, simply by ordering the witness to testify over the witness's claim that testifying will lead to self-incrimination in the courts of those other governments. Murphy's Exclusionary Rule reveals something significant about the scope of the privilege against self-incrimination with respect to judicial witnesses. It reveals that the Fifth and Fourteenth Amendment privilege is only as strong as the government's ability to elicit testimony under grants of use immunity, and that where governments within the United States lack authority to grant witnesses immunity, the privilege that witnesses ordinarily possess not to be compelled to incriminate themselves must yield to the government's interest in obtaining their testimony.
不自证其罪的特权被法院广泛称赞为“古老的”、“可敬的”、“崇高的”正义原则,是自由人的“宝贵”特权,是“美国对抗制度的支柱”——因此,人们很自然地认为这项特权享有特殊的,甚至可能是绝对的保护。我们也可以很自然地假设,一旦美国最高法院解释了防止国家使用证人的证词来反对他的特权,国会就不能无视这一解释,授权国家使用证人的证词来反对他。事实上,最高法院在迪克森诉美国案(Dickerson v. United States, 2000)中似乎支持这一观点,认为国会不得合法地用一项授权联邦政府对被捕者使用任何“自愿”陈述的条款来取代法院强制执行的米兰达警告。我认为,上述假设都是错误的,这两个错误都源于未能理解墨菲诉滨水委员会(1964年)的重要性。最高法院最近在1998年美国诉巴尔西案(United States v. Balsys)中重申了对墨菲案的判决,这表明最高法院愿意通过权衡个人利益与政府利益来解决第五修正案案件。墨菲还建议,联邦法院有权通过采用联邦普通法或宪法普通法的规则来实现作为特权基础的证明利益,而国会反过来又有宪法权力对这些规则进行修改。评论家们没有意识到墨菲的重要性,因为他们只关注墨菲所做的两件事中的一件。他们的重点是它对在美国境内一个政府(无论是州还是联邦政府)面前保护证人免于在美国境内其他政府(无论是州还是联邦政府)的法庭上被迫提供可能使其有罪的证词的特权的解释。然而,墨菲案的真正意义在于,在墨菲案中有一项隐蔽的、伴随的裁决,它作为墨菲对特权的解释的谓词——鉴于墨菲的伴随裁决,这种解释最终相对平淡无奇。墨菲的同类裁决在很大程度上没有引起人们的注意,但它使墨菲法院能够以它所做的方式解释特权。伴随裁决是一项联邦或宪法普通法使用豁免规则:这一规则的大意是,美国境内的每一个政府都有权在美国境内每一个其他政府的法院给予任何证人一定程度的豁免,只需命令证人就证人声称的作证将导致在其他政府的法院自证其罪的说法作证。墨菲的排除规则揭示了司法证人不自证其罪特权的重要范围。它表明,第五和第十四修正案的特权只有在政府根据使用豁免的授予获得证词的能力时才有效力,并且在美国政府无权给予证人豁免的情况下,证人通常拥有的不被强迫自证其罪的特权必须屈服于政府获取其证词的利益。