Sinn Féin

Abstract

/ t would be fitting and appropriate for me to take this opportunity to make a few personal observations regarding my election as president of Sinn Fein. When I heard of Ruari's (Ruari O'Bradaigh) reluctance tostanr) for re­ election, and when my associates commenced lobbying me to stand for the leadership position, i( w ill come as no surprise lo many of you to learn that I was extremely reluctant to let my name go forward My reluctance does not stem from any false sense of modesty, bul from what I believe are practical problems coupled with some personal observations. I already have a heavy workload and 'eel that the leader of this party, at its present stage of development, needs to be able to give the many tasks facing us, his or her undivided attention. The emphasis needs to be upon the 26 counties and thus I would have a preference for a leader who was based in this area. My election as president has. as is lo be expected, led to media speculation of a 'Northern taKeover’ or domination of Sinn Fein, and to quiet little rumours that I am about to lead you into Leinster House. My election means neither of these things There is, of course, as is natural given the nature of our struggle until now, a predomin­ ance of Sinn Fein people from the six counties in the ouDlic eye, but we are not a Northern nor a Southern party. We are an Irish republican party organised throughout Ireland, and we are the only party with a membership in all th irty-tw o counties. We have broadened our struggle, and we must continue to broaden it so that our D arty can become the focal point for all those who suffer under British rule. That suffering is not restricted to the victims of direct British m ilitary involvement. Linked with the victims of plastic bullet murders, or show trial and hired perjurer strategies, or the victims of shoot-to-kill policies, are the victims of a decadent social and economic system which is g la red nol in Irish interests but in the interests of foreign and native capitalists or in the military and strategic interests of a British government and its super-power allies. I would like to take tms opportunity to apoeal to those Protestant people in the six counties who have justifiable if misguided, fears about their future in an independent Ireland. I know the leaders of ioyalism will dismiss my appeal, as will even the leaders of the SDLP but nonetneless I direct a sincere appeal to workingclass Protestant people who have been Oadly served and misled by these same leaders over tne years. We seek the unity of all our people in an independent Irish democracy shaped by all its citizens to fu lfil their needs. We, as republicans, have a decided preference that this society should be a democratic socialist republic, but we accept that, in a postBritish withdrawal situation with Irish democracy restored, we will be bound by the democratic wishes of the Irish people. Political Protestantism is based partly on the fear that Irish Home Rule is Rome Rule . Protestants need to be reminded that the Catholic Hierarchy has seen fit to attack Sinn Fern more often this past year than it has ever a t ta c k e d ra b id a n t iC a th o l ic demagogues such as Ian Paisley. Republicans do not seek a sectarian state. On the contrary, we seek a secular, or at least a pluralist, society. We in Sinn Fein remember with pride that our republicanism grew from the sepa ra tis t roo ts of the m ain ly Presbyterian United Irishmen. They are as much your heritage as ours, and much more our common legacy than