Victor Gruen’s Retail Therapy: Exiled Jewish Communities and the Invention of the American Shopping Mall as a Postwar Ideal

Joseph Malherek
{"title":"Victor Gruen’s Retail Therapy: Exiled Jewish Communities and the Invention of the American Shopping Mall as a Postwar Ideal","authors":"Joseph Malherek","doi":"10.1093/leobaeck/ybw001","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"This article examines the role of e¤ migre¤ architectVictor Gruen in advancing a social-democratic ideology that would find an unlikely application in the context of consumer capitalism in the United States. It argues that Gruen was able to channel the ideals of social democracy into his vision of the shopping centre, intended as a recreation of the best aspects of urbanity in a suburban ‘desert’ that lacked any community centre. The article focuses on the formation of Gruen’s values in interwarVienna and his early experiences in the US in the late 1930s and early 1940s, where he embraced his identity as aJewish refugee by managing a theatre troupe of exiled Viennese, and where he established himself as an architect and designer in part through his contacts in the community of e¤ migre¤ Jews in NewYork. In the spring of 1949, theWarner Brothers studio assembled about 250 architects in Los Angeles for a preview screening of its new ¢lm, an adaptation of the 1943 Ayn Rand novel The Fountainhead. Among those in attendance was Victor Gruen, a Viennese e¤ migre¤ and architect who would become best known as the inventor of the regional shopping centre. He was appalled by what he believed to be a gross misrepresentation of the work and values of his profession, and was disgusted by the antisocial, egotistical message of the ¢lm and book. Gruen channeled his anger into a devastating review of the ¢lm, which was published in the May 1949 issue of Arts and Architecture. Gruen charged that Rand did not know that the very purpose of the contemporary architect was service to society and to the client; his mission was to ful¢ll the needs of a communityçnot to erect monuments to his ego that stood in complete disregard to human needs. Gruen worried that the nonconformist ideology of Rand’s hero would be so deeply attractive to young people 1 ‘Hollywood’s Fountainhead: All dynamite will be charged to clients’, The Architectural Forum, June 1949, pp. 13^14. Victor Gruen,‘Mountain Heads from Mole Hills’, Arts and Architecture, May 1949, p. 32. Leo Baeck InstituteYear Book Vol. 61, 219^232 doi:10.1093/leobaeck/ybw001 Advance Access publication 3March 2016 TheAuthor (2016). Published by Oxford University Press on behalf of The Leo Baeck Institute. All rights reserved. For permissions, please email: journals.permissions@oup.com Downloaded from https://academic.oup.com/leobaeck/article-abstract/61/1/219/2669594 by guest on 26 July 2018 that they would overlook the ‘anti-social, anti-democratic and anti-humanmessage’ of the novel. Gruen reacted so strongly to the message of The Fountainhead because it was a perverse representation of his profession, but also because Rand’s libertarian ideology was an a¡ront to his deepest values as a Social Democrat. Gruen had come of age amidst the radical political transformations of interwar Vienna as a prominent member of an agitprop theatre troupe which thrived despite being forced underground when fascism took hold in the 1930s. As aJew and as a socialist, he had no choice but to £eeVienna in the wake of Hitler’s Anschluss of Austria in1938, ¢nally emigrating to the United States. Although his most famous invention, the regional shopping centre, would become an emblem of American postwar consumer capitalism, Gruen himself always retained the sensibilities of a speci¢callyViennese Social Democrat: he believed in the potential for large-scale social planning enterprisesçeither in physical forms as architecture or in institutional forms as social programmesçto improve the lives of the masses of working people. He chafed at the ideology of ‘free enterprise’ and its concomitant celebration of the individual independent from society. His shopping centres were intended to create a centralized community space, free from the interference of motor tra⁄c, where before there had been no centre: in the sprawling, unorganized suburbs. Gruen’s socialist, Jewish background and his experience in the world of Vienna’s political theatre have been noted but not closely examined in secondary accounts of his life and work in the United States, notably in book-length biographies byJe¡rey Hardwick and AlexWall. While Hardwick focuses principally on the social and cultural impact of Gruen’s work, Wall is most interested in Gruen’s design innovations in architecture and urban planning. Other accounts have tended to focus on Gruen’s achievements as an architect, or they have considered him as one of several important shopping mall developers or urban planners. Relative to Hardwick,Wall, and other secondary considerations, this essay takes a closer look at Gruen’s personal history in theJewish milieu of interwarVienna in forming a socialdemocratic ideology that would ¢nd an unlikely application in the context of consumer capitalism in the United States. I argue that Gruen was able to channel the positive ideals of social democracy into his vision for the shopping centre, which On municipal socialism in interwar Vienna, see Helmut Gruber, Red Vienna: Experiment in Working Class Culture, 1919^1934, New York 1991; Anson Rabinbach,The Crisis of Austrian Socialism: From Red Vienna to Civil War, 1927^1934, Chicago 1983; and JanekWasserman, BlackVienna:The Radical Right in the Red City, 1918^1938, Ithaca 2014. On the experience of the Jews in Vienna, see Bruce F. Pauley, From Prejudice to Persecution: A History of Austrian Anti-Semitism, Chapel Hill 1992; Steven Beller,Vienna and the Jews, 1867^1938: A Cultural History, Cambridge 1989; and George E. Berkley, Vienna and Its Jews:TheTragedy of Success, 1890s^1980s, Cambridge, Mass. 1988. M. Je¡rey Hardwick, Mall Maker:Victor Gruen, Architect of an American Dream, Philadelphia 2004; Alex Wall,Victor Gruen: From Urban Shop to New City, Barcelona 2005. See, for example, Richard Longstreth, City Center to Regional Mall: Architecture, the Automobile, and Retailing in Los Angeles, 1920^1950, Cambridge, Mass. 1997; and chapter 6 in Lizabeth Cohen, A Consumers’Republic:The Politics of Mass Consumption in Postwar America, NewYork 2003. More recently, Gruen’s achievements as a speci¢cally modern architect have been examined by David Smiley in Pedestrian Modern: Shopping and American Architecture, 1925^1956, Minneapolis 2013. 220 J.Malherek Downloaded from https://academic.oup.com/leobaeck/article-abstract/61/1/219/2669594 by guest on 26 July 2018 was intendedto re-create thebest aspects of urbanity in a suburban‘desert’that lacked any community centre. This essay focuses on the formation of Gruen’s ideology in interwarVienna and his early experiences in the United States, where he embraced his identity as aJewish refugee by managing a theatre troupe of exiledViennese, and where he found jobs and established himself as an architect and designer in part through his contacts in the community of e¤ migre¤ Jews in New York. The communitarian spirit of Gruen’s cabaret performers, combined with the progressive social vision of the Viennese Social Democrats and the entrepreneurialism of immigrant professionals, coalesced in the person of Gruen, who channeled those energies into his vision for the shopping centre, a distinctlyAmerican manifestation of a central European ideal. It was an architectural form that expressed both the idealism of social democracy and the optimism of postwar America; it was the product of one e¤ migre¤ ’s stubborn progressivism and determination to transcend a traumatic past by realizing a positive vision for the future. Yet ‘the mall’ would ultimately succumb to commercial imperatives that compromised this vision, much to the dissatisfaction of its inventor. GRUEN’S EARLY YEARS IN VIENNA Viktor Gru« nbaum was born on 18 July 1903, the son of Adolf Gru« nbaum and Elizabeth Lea Levy. His was a liberal, modern, well-to-do Jewish family that did not regularly practice its religion. His mother came from a well-o¡ Hamburg family, and his father was a prominent lawyer and a lover of art, theatre, and satire who instilled his passions in his son.YoungViktor would accompany his father on foot or by horse-drawn carriage as he travelled around the Innere Stadt, Vienna’s central district, on business. Many of his father’s clients were involved in the theatre; while he was consulting them backstage young Viktor would watch rehearsals of plays and musical comedies,‘letting the theatrical life of Vienna soak into my bones’, he later recalled. The intellectual atmosphere and architectural environment of Viennaçwhich merged the traditionalism of Camillo Sitte and the modernism of OttoWagner, the city’s great architect-plannersçwas complemented by Gruen’s institutional training. He was a good but not excellent student, and he graduated from the Realgymnasium in 1917. Inspired by the austere modernism of Adolf Loos and others, Gruen went on to receive technical training in building construction at a state trade school. Gruen was horri¢ed by the anti-intellectual atmosphere of the school, and he remembered that many of his classmates were ‘proto-Nazis’ who 6 ‘Geburts-Befugnis’, 5 August 1903, box 22, folder 4, Victor Gruen Papers, Manuscript Division, Library of Congress,Washington, D.C. (hereafter,‘Gruen LOC’). Victor Gruen, ‘Biographische Notizen’, 2 April 1975, pp. 1^15, box 76, folder 7, Gruen LOC; Walter Guzzardi Jr., ‘An Architect of Environments’, Fortune, January 1962. On Sitte andWagner, see Carl E. Schorske, Fin-de-Sie' cleVienna: Politics and Culture, NewYork 1981, pp. 25^100. Hardwick, 9; ‘School Papers, July 1910^May 1925, n.d.’, box 23, folder 8, Gruen LOC. Victor Gruen’s RetailTherapy 221 Downloaded from https://academic.oup.com/leobaeck/article-abstract/61/1/219/2669594 by guest on 26 July 2018 regularly subjected him and his close friend, Rudi Baumfeld, to antisemitic harassment. As a boy, Gruen’s Jewish heritage had made him a target for beatingsçan unfortunately common experience for young Jews.While the polite bourgeois atmosphere of the Realgynasium had provided some p","PeriodicalId":414911,"journal":{"name":"The Leo Baeck Institute Yearbook","volume":"116 17","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0000,"publicationDate":"2016-03-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"0","resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"The Leo Baeck Institute Yearbook","FirstCategoryId":"1085","ListUrlMain":"https://doi.org/10.1093/leobaeck/ybw001","RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":null,"ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"","JCRName":"","Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0

Abstract

This article examines the role of e¤ migre¤ architectVictor Gruen in advancing a social-democratic ideology that would find an unlikely application in the context of consumer capitalism in the United States. It argues that Gruen was able to channel the ideals of social democracy into his vision of the shopping centre, intended as a recreation of the best aspects of urbanity in a suburban ‘desert’ that lacked any community centre. The article focuses on the formation of Gruen’s values in interwarVienna and his early experiences in the US in the late 1930s and early 1940s, where he embraced his identity as aJewish refugee by managing a theatre troupe of exiled Viennese, and where he established himself as an architect and designer in part through his contacts in the community of e¤ migre¤ Jews in NewYork. In the spring of 1949, theWarner Brothers studio assembled about 250 architects in Los Angeles for a preview screening of its new ¢lm, an adaptation of the 1943 Ayn Rand novel The Fountainhead. Among those in attendance was Victor Gruen, a Viennese e¤ migre¤ and architect who would become best known as the inventor of the regional shopping centre. He was appalled by what he believed to be a gross misrepresentation of the work and values of his profession, and was disgusted by the antisocial, egotistical message of the ¢lm and book. Gruen channeled his anger into a devastating review of the ¢lm, which was published in the May 1949 issue of Arts and Architecture. Gruen charged that Rand did not know that the very purpose of the contemporary architect was service to society and to the client; his mission was to ful¢ll the needs of a communityçnot to erect monuments to his ego that stood in complete disregard to human needs. Gruen worried that the nonconformist ideology of Rand’s hero would be so deeply attractive to young people 1 ‘Hollywood’s Fountainhead: All dynamite will be charged to clients’, The Architectural Forum, June 1949, pp. 13^14. Victor Gruen,‘Mountain Heads from Mole Hills’, Arts and Architecture, May 1949, p. 32. Leo Baeck InstituteYear Book Vol. 61, 219^232 doi:10.1093/leobaeck/ybw001 Advance Access publication 3March 2016 TheAuthor (2016). Published by Oxford University Press on behalf of The Leo Baeck Institute. All rights reserved. For permissions, please email: journals.permissions@oup.com Downloaded from https://academic.oup.com/leobaeck/article-abstract/61/1/219/2669594 by guest on 26 July 2018 that they would overlook the ‘anti-social, anti-democratic and anti-humanmessage’ of the novel. Gruen reacted so strongly to the message of The Fountainhead because it was a perverse representation of his profession, but also because Rand’s libertarian ideology was an a¡ront to his deepest values as a Social Democrat. Gruen had come of age amidst the radical political transformations of interwar Vienna as a prominent member of an agitprop theatre troupe which thrived despite being forced underground when fascism took hold in the 1930s. As aJew and as a socialist, he had no choice but to £eeVienna in the wake of Hitler’s Anschluss of Austria in1938, ¢nally emigrating to the United States. Although his most famous invention, the regional shopping centre, would become an emblem of American postwar consumer capitalism, Gruen himself always retained the sensibilities of a speci¢callyViennese Social Democrat: he believed in the potential for large-scale social planning enterprisesçeither in physical forms as architecture or in institutional forms as social programmesçto improve the lives of the masses of working people. He chafed at the ideology of ‘free enterprise’ and its concomitant celebration of the individual independent from society. His shopping centres were intended to create a centralized community space, free from the interference of motor tra⁄c, where before there had been no centre: in the sprawling, unorganized suburbs. Gruen’s socialist, Jewish background and his experience in the world of Vienna’s political theatre have been noted but not closely examined in secondary accounts of his life and work in the United States, notably in book-length biographies byJe¡rey Hardwick and AlexWall. While Hardwick focuses principally on the social and cultural impact of Gruen’s work, Wall is most interested in Gruen’s design innovations in architecture and urban planning. Other accounts have tended to focus on Gruen’s achievements as an architect, or they have considered him as one of several important shopping mall developers or urban planners. Relative to Hardwick,Wall, and other secondary considerations, this essay takes a closer look at Gruen’s personal history in theJewish milieu of interwarVienna in forming a socialdemocratic ideology that would ¢nd an unlikely application in the context of consumer capitalism in the United States. I argue that Gruen was able to channel the positive ideals of social democracy into his vision for the shopping centre, which On municipal socialism in interwar Vienna, see Helmut Gruber, Red Vienna: Experiment in Working Class Culture, 1919^1934, New York 1991; Anson Rabinbach,The Crisis of Austrian Socialism: From Red Vienna to Civil War, 1927^1934, Chicago 1983; and JanekWasserman, BlackVienna:The Radical Right in the Red City, 1918^1938, Ithaca 2014. On the experience of the Jews in Vienna, see Bruce F. Pauley, From Prejudice to Persecution: A History of Austrian Anti-Semitism, Chapel Hill 1992; Steven Beller,Vienna and the Jews, 1867^1938: A Cultural History, Cambridge 1989; and George E. Berkley, Vienna and Its Jews:TheTragedy of Success, 1890s^1980s, Cambridge, Mass. 1988. M. Je¡rey Hardwick, Mall Maker:Victor Gruen, Architect of an American Dream, Philadelphia 2004; Alex Wall,Victor Gruen: From Urban Shop to New City, Barcelona 2005. See, for example, Richard Longstreth, City Center to Regional Mall: Architecture, the Automobile, and Retailing in Los Angeles, 1920^1950, Cambridge, Mass. 1997; and chapter 6 in Lizabeth Cohen, A Consumers’Republic:The Politics of Mass Consumption in Postwar America, NewYork 2003. More recently, Gruen’s achievements as a speci¢cally modern architect have been examined by David Smiley in Pedestrian Modern: Shopping and American Architecture, 1925^1956, Minneapolis 2013. 220 J.Malherek Downloaded from https://academic.oup.com/leobaeck/article-abstract/61/1/219/2669594 by guest on 26 July 2018 was intendedto re-create thebest aspects of urbanity in a suburban‘desert’that lacked any community centre. This essay focuses on the formation of Gruen’s ideology in interwarVienna and his early experiences in the United States, where he embraced his identity as aJewish refugee by managing a theatre troupe of exiledViennese, and where he found jobs and established himself as an architect and designer in part through his contacts in the community of e¤ migre¤ Jews in New York. The communitarian spirit of Gruen’s cabaret performers, combined with the progressive social vision of the Viennese Social Democrats and the entrepreneurialism of immigrant professionals, coalesced in the person of Gruen, who channeled those energies into his vision for the shopping centre, a distinctlyAmerican manifestation of a central European ideal. It was an architectural form that expressed both the idealism of social democracy and the optimism of postwar America; it was the product of one e¤ migre¤ ’s stubborn progressivism and determination to transcend a traumatic past by realizing a positive vision for the future. Yet ‘the mall’ would ultimately succumb to commercial imperatives that compromised this vision, much to the dissatisfaction of its inventor. GRUEN’S EARLY YEARS IN VIENNA Viktor Gru« nbaum was born on 18 July 1903, the son of Adolf Gru« nbaum and Elizabeth Lea Levy. His was a liberal, modern, well-to-do Jewish family that did not regularly practice its religion. His mother came from a well-o¡ Hamburg family, and his father was a prominent lawyer and a lover of art, theatre, and satire who instilled his passions in his son.YoungViktor would accompany his father on foot or by horse-drawn carriage as he travelled around the Innere Stadt, Vienna’s central district, on business. Many of his father’s clients were involved in the theatre; while he was consulting them backstage young Viktor would watch rehearsals of plays and musical comedies,‘letting the theatrical life of Vienna soak into my bones’, he later recalled. The intellectual atmosphere and architectural environment of Viennaçwhich merged the traditionalism of Camillo Sitte and the modernism of OttoWagner, the city’s great architect-plannersçwas complemented by Gruen’s institutional training. He was a good but not excellent student, and he graduated from the Realgymnasium in 1917. Inspired by the austere modernism of Adolf Loos and others, Gruen went on to receive technical training in building construction at a state trade school. Gruen was horri¢ed by the anti-intellectual atmosphere of the school, and he remembered that many of his classmates were ‘proto-Nazis’ who 6 ‘Geburts-Befugnis’, 5 August 1903, box 22, folder 4, Victor Gruen Papers, Manuscript Division, Library of Congress,Washington, D.C. (hereafter,‘Gruen LOC’). Victor Gruen, ‘Biographische Notizen’, 2 April 1975, pp. 1^15, box 76, folder 7, Gruen LOC; Walter Guzzardi Jr., ‘An Architect of Environments’, Fortune, January 1962. On Sitte andWagner, see Carl E. Schorske, Fin-de-Sie' cleVienna: Politics and Culture, NewYork 1981, pp. 25^100. Hardwick, 9; ‘School Papers, July 1910^May 1925, n.d.’, box 23, folder 8, Gruen LOC. Victor Gruen’s RetailTherapy 221 Downloaded from https://academic.oup.com/leobaeck/article-abstract/61/1/219/2669594 by guest on 26 July 2018 regularly subjected him and his close friend, Rudi Baumfeld, to antisemitic harassment. As a boy, Gruen’s Jewish heritage had made him a target for beatingsçan unfortunately common experience for young Jews.While the polite bourgeois atmosphere of the Realgynasium had provided some p
维克多·格伦的《零售疗法:流亡的犹太社区和战后理想的美国购物中心的发明》
我认为格鲁恩能够将社会民主主义的积极理想引导到他对购物中心的设想中,关于两次世界大战之间维也纳的市政社会主义,见赫尔穆特·格鲁伯,红色维也纳:工人阶级文化的实验,1919年至1934年,纽约1991年;安森·拉宾巴赫:《奥地利社会主义的危机:从红色维也纳到内战》,1927 ~ 1934年,芝加哥,1983年;JanekWasserman,《黑色维也纳:红色城市中的激进右翼》,1918 ~ 1938年,伊萨卡,2014年。关于维也纳犹太人的经历,见Bruce F. Pauley,《从偏见到迫害:奥地利反犹主义的历史》,Chapel Hill, 1992;史蒂文·贝勒:《维也纳和犹太人,1867年^1938年:文化史》,剑桥大学1989年版;乔治·e·伯克利,《维也纳及其犹太人:成功的悲剧》,19世纪90年代至80年代,剑桥,马萨诸塞州,1988年。杰里·哈德威克,购物中心制造者:维克多·格伦,美国梦的建筑师,费城,2004;Alex Wall,Victor Gruen:从城市商店到新城市,巴塞罗那,2005。例如,参见Richard Longstreth,《城市中心到区域购物中心:1920 ~ 1950年洛杉矶的建筑、汽车和零售业》,Cambridge, massachusetts, 1997;《消费者的共和国:战后美国大众消费的政治》,纽约,2003年,第6章。最近,David Smiley在《现代行人:购物与美国建筑》(1925年至1956年,明尼阿波利斯,2013年)中考察了Gruen作为一名特别现代建筑师的成就。220 J.Malherek于2018年7月26日从https://academic.oup.com/leobaeck/article-abstract/61/1/219/2669594下载,该项目旨在在缺乏任何社区中心的郊区“沙漠”中重建城市化的最佳方面。本文主要关注格鲁恩在两次世界大战之间的维也纳思想的形成,以及他在美国的早期经历。在美国,他通过管理一个由流亡维也纳人组成的剧团,接受了自己作为犹太难民的身份。在美国,他找到了工作,并通过他在纽约犹太人移民社区的联系,成为了一名建筑师和设计师。格鲁恩的卡巴莱表演者的社区主义精神,与维也纳社会民主党的进步社会愿景和移民专业人士的企业家精神结合在一起,格鲁恩将这些能量融入了他对购物中心的愿景中,这是中欧理想的独特美国表现。这种建筑形式既表达了社会民主主义的理想主义,又表达了战后美国的乐观主义;它是一个移民顽固的进步主义和决心的产物,通过实现对未来的积极愿景来超越创伤的过去。然而,“购物中心”最终屈服于商业需求,损害了这一愿景,这让它的发明者非常不满。格鲁恩鲍姆出生于1903年7月18日,是阿道夫·格鲁恩鲍姆和伊丽莎白·莱维的儿子。他的家庭是一个自由、现代、富裕的犹太家庭,他们并不经常信奉自己的宗教。他的母亲来自一个富裕的汉堡家庭,他的父亲是一位杰出的律师,热爱艺术、戏剧和讽刺作品,并将自己的激情灌输给了儿子。年幼的维克多会跟着父亲步行或乘坐马车,在维也纳的中心区内城区出差。他父亲的许多客户都与戏剧界有关;当他在后台咨询他们的时候,年轻的维克多会观看戏剧和音乐喜剧的排练,“让维也纳的戏剧生活渗入我的骨髓”,他后来回忆道。维也纳的知识分子氛围和建筑环境融合了卡米洛·斯特的传统主义和奥托瓦格纳的现代主义,这座城市伟大的建筑师-规划师<s:1>与格伦的机构培训相辅相成。他是一个好学生,但并不优秀,1917年毕业于Realgymnasium。受到阿道夫·路斯等人简朴的现代主义风格的启发,格伦继续在一所州立职业学校接受建筑施工方面的技术培训。格鲁恩对学校的反智氛围感到恐惧,他记得他的许多同学都是“原始纳粹分子”,他们在1903年8月5日,华盛顿特区国会图书馆手稿部维克多·格鲁恩论文第22箱第4文件夹(以下简称“格鲁恩LOC”)。维克多·格伦,“传记笔记”,1975年4月2日,第1^15页,76箱,文件夹7,格伦LOC;Walter Guzzardi Jr.,《环境建筑师》,财富杂志,1962年1月。关于Sitte和wagner,见Carl E. Schorske,《维也纳:政治与文化》,纽约,1981年,第25^100页。西恩,9;“学校论文,1910年7月^ 1925年5月,日期不详”,盒子23,文件夹8,Gruen LOC。Victor Gruen的零售疗法221经常让他和他的亲密朋友Rudi Baumfeld受到反犹主义的骚扰。 作为一个男孩,格伦的犹太血统使他成为殴打的目标,不幸的是,这对年轻的犹太人来说是常见的经历。虽然体育馆里彬彬有礼的中产阶级气氛提供了一些乐趣
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