政治话语中的认知不公正?兰顿描写色情作品中的权威概念问题。

IF 0.4 N/A PHILOSOPHY
Paolo Parlanti
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引用次数: 0

摘要

通过她的沉默论文,兰顿通过强调这种现象的可能原因,对认知不公正的研究做出了贡献:她断言(异性)性关系的色情表现影响了女性说话的幸福条件,因此这种说话不被理解为男性的口误。可以说,这一事实削弱了女性的可信度,因为她们的证词甚至没有被记录在男性的证词敏感性中。然而,至少从两个角度来看,这篇论文带来了有问题的后果。从理论的角度来看,当涉及到色情的从属效应的经验个体化时,它形成了一个循环。我将指出,这一问题源于兰顿对权力的实质概念,即源于她将权威视为一种属性的概念,这种属性可以归因于先前存在的主体。从政治角度来看,这样的权力概念使兰顿在作证性暴力时表现出对女性的信任,但这也导致她沉默其他政治策略,例如巴特勒提出的那些。因此,我建议将这种形式的沉默视为一种特定的认知不公正,它抵消了政治话语的表演价值。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
Epistemic Injustice in Political Discourses? The Problematic Concept of Authority in Langton’s Account of Pornography.
Through her silencing thesis, Langton has contributed to the study of epistemic injustice by highlighting a possible cause of such a phenomenon: She asserts that the pornographic representation of (straight) sexual relationships affects the felicity conditions of speech uttered by women, so this speech is not understood as an illocution by men. This fact arguably undermines women’s credibility, since their testimony is not even registered in men’s testimonial sensibility. However, this thesis entails problematic consequences from at least two standpoints. From a theoretical perspective, it enacts a circularity when it comes to the empirical individuation of the subordinative effects of pornography. I will point out that this problem arises from Langton’s substantive conception of power, i.e. from her notion of authority as an attribute which can be ascribed to preexisting subjects. From a political perspective, such conception of power allows Langton to performatively rank women as credible when testifying sexual violence, but it also leads her to silencing alternative political strategies, e.g. the ones proposed by Butler. Hence, I propose to consider this form of silencing as a specific kind of epistemic injustice, one that neutralises the performative value of political discourses.
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来源期刊
CiteScore
0.50
自引率
0.00%
发文量
37
审稿时长
22 weeks
期刊介绍: The scientific scope of Las Torres de Lucca (International Journal of Political Philosophy) will be to comprehend the characteristics of political philosophy, in line with the interdisciplinary character that has operated in this field during the last several years. We welcome contributions from the areas traditionally linked directly to political philosophy (moral philosophy, philosophy of law, political theory), as well as from those that have been incorporated up to the present day (political economy, philosophy of history, psychology, neurophysiology and, to a lesser extent, other sciences) as long as their scope is focused on the treatment of public affairs and sheds light on contemporary political reflections. In the same way, the reference to classic problems should be brought to bear on contemporary questions. The journal does not commit itself to any school of thought, style or ideology. However, we do commit ourselves to argumentative rigor and expositive clarity. Thus, the new publication is directed towards the academic environment and designed for the specialized reader; but the publication also aspires to awake interest in the reader who is not technically formed in these disciplines, but is interested by the public questions that inevitably affect him or her. We expect that the scope of the journal will be international. Thus, articles will be published in Spanish and English, and original articles in French, Portuguese, Italian, or German will be accepted as exceptions (depending on their quality and relevance), translated into Spanish and published in a bilingual format. We are particularly interested in covering the Spanish/Latin American realm, particularly lacking in specialized publications of this type. With this in mind, we count on experts from the distinct countries included in this geographic area.
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