评估胡萝卜加大棒反恐措施的有效性:阿尔及利亚和也门的比较

Chuchu Zhang
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引用次数: 2

摘要

摘要:本文试图解释阿尔及利亚和也门在过去二十年中不同的反恐效果。虽然两国的恐怖主义在20世纪90年代末达到顶峰,两国的现任政府都采取了“胡萝卜加大棒”的策略,但结果却完全不同,也门陷入了更深层次的暴力,而阿尔及利亚的国内恐怖主义势力在21世纪头十年末几乎被消灭。为了解释这种差异并衡量“胡萝卜加大棒”方法的效果,本文采用国家能力模型,分析布特弗利卡自1999年以来如何将阿尔及利亚的官僚机构和行政机构集中起来,促进了情报、军事和司法之间的沟通,从而加强了军事行动和执法。以及萨利赫统治下的也门充斥着分裂主义和宗派主义,如何加剧了该政权在信息收集和收入集中方面的缺陷,导致恐怖主义的持续。来自我的框架和案例的证据表明,应对恐怖主义暴力需要比军事打击更彻底的措施;立法努力和国家对话。这项研究并不局限于阿尔及利亚和也门的案例,而是旨在揭示更多面临恐怖主义威胁的国家。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
Assessing the Effectiveness of the Carrot and Stick Counter-terrorist Measure: A Comparison of Algeria and Yemen
Abstract: This article seeks to explain the differing counter-terrorist effects in Algeria and Yemen over the past two decades. While terrorism peaked in both countries in the late 1990s and incumbents in both countries responded with “carrot and stick” strategies, the results have been entirely different, with Yemen mired in deeper violence, whereas domestic terrorist forces were almost wiped out in Algeria in the late 2000s. To account for this variance and to measure the effects of the “carrot and stick” approach, the article adopts the state capacity model by analyzing how Bouteflika centralized Algeria’s bureaucracy and administration since 1999 which facilitated the communication between the intelligence, military and judiciary, thus strengthening military operations and law enforcement, and how Saleh’s Yemen filled with separatism and sectarianism aggravated the regime’s deficiencies of information collection and revenue concentration, leading to the continuation of terrorism. Evidence from my framework and cases suggest that coping with terrorist violence requires much more thoroughgoing measures than military blows; legislative efforts and national dialogues. The study is not limited to the cases of Algeria and Yemen, but aims at shedding light on more countries confronted with terrorist threat.
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