一些难以理解的托查里亚生殖器

IF 0.1 3区 文学 0 LANGUAGE & LINGUISTICS
Jay H. Jasanoff
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引用次数: 0

摘要

摘要本文讨论了B-ntse、A-s中的Tocharian gen.sg和B中的gen.pl-ṃts(Ş),A-śś; i。PToch。gen.sg.ending*‑nsæ是通过假设o-词尾*‑o-s(y)o扩展到n-词干来解释的,首先给出*‑Cn--ςsæ(带有连接*-ς‑),然后用正则复分解*‑C--ςn-sæ,从中提取出有生产力的*‑nsæ。更困难的一代pl.词尾B‑ṃts(Ş)和A-ś347; i通常不被认为是同源的,它们被追踪到*-ns中的动画acc-pl.的序列,然后是具有Sievers变体*‑Tye(Toch.B)和*‑Tiye(Toch.A)的粒子。粒子*‑T(i)ye可能用Gk的se来识别。póse“whither”,因此进一步加上吠陀的位置后缀*‑tye/o‑。nítya-“自己的”,Hitt。appezziya——“最后面的”等等。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
Some difficult Tocharian genitives
Abstract This paper discusses the Tocharian gen. sg. in B -ntse, A -s, and the gen. pl. in B -ṃts(ə), A -śśi. The PToch. gen. sg. ending *‑nsæ is explained by assuming an extension of the o-stem ending *‑o-s(y)o to n‑stems, giving first *‑Cn‑əsæ (with connecting *‑ə‑) and then, with regular metathesis, *‑C‑ə‑nsæ, from which productive *‑nsæ was extracted. The more difficult gen. pl. endings B ‑ṃts(ə) and A -śśi, which are not usually thought of as being cognate, are traced to sequences of the animate acc. pl. in *‑ns followed by a particle with Sievers variants *‑Tye (Toch. B) and *‑Tiye (Toch. A). The particle *‑T(i)ye is perhaps to be identified with the ‑se of Gk. póse ‘whither’, and thus further with the locational suffix *‑tye/o‑ of Ved. nítya- ‘own’, Hitt. appezziya- ‘hindmost’, etc.
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来源期刊
CiteScore
0.60
自引率
33.30%
发文量
18
期刊介绍: Indogermanische Forschungen publishes contributions (essays and reviews) mainly in the areas of historical-comparative linguistics, historical linguistics, typology and characteristics of the languages of the Indogermanic language family. Essays on general linguistics and non-Indogermanic languages are also featured, provided that they coincide with the main focus of the journal with respect to methods and language history.
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