帕马-纽根语中非主语参数的交叉引用

IF 0.4 3区 文学 0 LANGUAGE & LINGUISTICS
Thomas Ennever, Mitchell Browne
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引用次数: 0

摘要

澳大利亚约有三分之一的帕马-纽根语使用代词交叉引用,但系统的非主语语位类型模式仍未得到研究。我们通过对22种帕马-尼扬甘语的调查,从两个角度分析了这种差异。首先,我们考察了这些代词系统中哪些类型的格标记论点可以被交叉引用。从这个角度来看,我们发现,在实例化某些论点关系时,许多标有所谓“局部”格的名义表达(例如,位置格、降压格、消融格等)可以相互引用。其次,我们发现这种被我们描述为“位置”的关系如何在形态上整合到代词范式中,这是惊人的跨语言可预测性。我们表明,变化可以通过两个主要参数来捕获:首先,位置交叉引用是否使用与另一个非主题系列相同的形式,或者位置交叉引用是否由另一个非主题系列正式构建的唯一系列提供服务。在后一种情况下,对于其他非主题系列是否为专用地点系列提供基础,则存在进一步的差异。这些参数产生了六种表面模式类型,我们展示了每一种模式都是用调查语言实例化的。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
Cross-referencing of non-subject arguments in Pama-Nyungan languages
ABSTRACT About one third of the Pama-Nyungan languages of Australia employ pronominal cross-referencing, yet systematic typological patterns of non-subject argument registration remain unexamined. We analyze this variation from two perspectives by surveying 22 Pama-Nyungan languages. Firstly, we survey which kinds of case-marked arguments can be cross-referenced by these pronominal systems. From this perspective, we find that a number of nominal expressions marked with so-called ‘local’ cases (e.g. locative, allative, ablative, etc.) can be cross-referenced when instantiating certain argument relations. Secondly, we find striking cross-linguistic predictability in how such relations, which we descriptively group as ‘locational’, are morphologically integrated into the pronominal paradigms. We show that the variation can be captured by two major parameters: firstly, whether locational cross-referencing utilizes the same form as another non-subject series, or whether locational cross-referencing is serviced by a unique series formally built off another non-subject series. In this latter case there is further variation as to which other non-subject series provides the base for the dedicated locational series. These parameters result in six surface pattern types, and we show that each of the patterns is instantiated in languages of the survey.
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CiteScore
1.10
自引率
0.00%
发文量
10
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