意大利复苏和恢复计划中的劳动力市场政策。旧的还是新的出发点?

IF 2.2 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE
Arianna Tassinari
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引用次数: 3

摘要

在过去的二十年里,劳动力市场自由化改革已经成为意大利实施结构性改革的首要议程,对就业质量、工资动态和生产率产生了不利影响。2021年,意大利时任总理马里奥·德拉吉承诺,意大利国家复苏和弹性计划(nrp)中概述的投资将“改变意大利的劳动力市场”。意大利NRRP中所体现的劳动力市场政策议程如何以及在多大程度上偏离了先前的政策变化轨迹?它反映了经济、政治和阶级利益之间的怎样的平衡?它能在多大程度上充分解决意大利劳动力市场的长期挑战?本文结合对意大利2021年NRRP劳动力市场政策措施的深入分析,以及对参与政策过程的专家和精英的采访,解决了这些问题。与不连续性的说法相反,调查结果强调了NRRP劳动力市场政策议程与先前的自由化轨迹的实质性连续性。该计划仍然狭隘地侧重于供应方面的劳动力市场干预——主要是加强积极的劳动力市场政策——而没有采取重新监管干预措施来解决劳动力市场不安全或工资停滞的问题。外生条件和国内政治动态系统地促进了雇主组织在设计自然资源重组方案时的偏好,说明了政策变化的有限程度。由于忽视了需求侧劳动力市场干预以及围绕ALMP改革实施的不确定性,NRRP的劳动力市场议程的转型潜力可能仍然有限。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
Labour market policy in Italy’s recovery and resilience plan. Same old or a new departure?
ABSTRACT Liberalizing labour market reforms have topped the agenda of structural reforms implemented in Italy over the last two decades, with detrimental effects on employment quality, wage dynamics and productivity. In 2021, Italy’s then Prime Minister, Mario Draghi, promised that the investments outlined in Italy’s National Recovery and Resilience Plan (NRRP) would ‘transform Italy’s labour market’. How and to what extent does the labour market policy agenda enshrined in Italy’s NRRP deviate from the prior trajectory of policy change? What balance of economic, political and class interests does it reflect? And to what extent does it adequately tackle the long-standing challenges of Italy’s labour market? This article addresses these questions combining in-depth analysis of the labour market policy measures in Italy’s 2021 NRRP and interviews with experts and elites involved in the policy process. Contrary to claims of discontinuity, the findings highlight substantive continuity of the NRRP labour market policy agenda with the prior trajectory of liberalization. The Plan maintains a narrow focus on supply-side labour market interventions – primarily the strengthening of active labour market policies (ALMPs) – without re-regulatory interventions to tackle labour market insecurity or wage stagnation. Exogenous conditionality and domestic political dynamics that systematically advanced the preferences of employer organizations in the design of the NRRP account for the limited extent of policy change. Due to the neglect of demand-side labour market interventions and the uncertainties surrounding the implementation of the ALMP reforms, the transformatory potential of the NRRP’s labour market agenda is likely to remain limited.
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来源期刊
Contemporary Italian Politics
Contemporary Italian Politics Social Sciences-Political Science and International Relations
CiteScore
4.40
自引率
0.00%
发文量
40
期刊介绍: Contemporary Italian Politics, formerly Bulletin of Italian Politics, is a political science journal aimed at academics and policy makers as well as others with a professional or intellectual interest in the politics of Italy. The journal has two main aims: Firstly, to provide rigorous analysis, in the English language, about the politics of what is one of the European Union’s four largest states in terms of population and Gross Domestic Product. We seek to do this aware that too often those in the English-speaking world looking for incisive analysis and insight into the latest trends and developments in Italian politics are likely to be stymied by two contrasting difficulties. On the one hand, they can turn to the daily and weekly print media. Here they will find information on the latest developments, sure enough; but much of it is likely to lack the incisiveness of academic writing and may even be straightforwardly inaccurate. On the other hand, readers can turn either to general political science journals – but here they will have to face the issue of fragmented information – or to specific journals on Italy – in which case they will find that politics is considered only insofar as it is part of the broader field of modern Italian studies[...] The second aim follows from the first insofar as, in seeking to achieve it, we hope thereby to provide analysis that readers will find genuinely useful. With research funding bodies of all kinds giving increasing emphasis to knowledge transfer and increasingly demanding of applicants that they demonstrate the relevance of what they are doing to non-academic ‘end users’, political scientists have a self-interested motive for attempting a closer engagement with outside practitioners.
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