Morphology-syntax mismatches in agreement systems: The case of Jóola Fóoñi

The present study examines the agreement system of Jóola Fóoñi (Atlantic, Niger-Congo). In Niger-Congo languages, noun forms divide into subsets according to their agreement patterns. The morphological paradigm of the agreement targets is generally analysed as a reflex of agreement triggered by nominal controllers. For Jóola Fóoñi this view is not correct since (i) the range of subsets of noun forms and the range of values on the agreement targets do not match and (ii) inflection for a subset of class values is associated with its own semantic and syntactic properties, independent of agreement configurations with nouns. In Jóola Fóoñi the classification of noun forms based on their agreement properties and the cells of the inflectional paradigm of adnominal and pronominal agreement targets are related but independent components of the grammar. Of the 15 class-values that structure the inflectional paradigm of adnominals and pronouns involved in the expression of agreement with heads or antecedents, only 13 class-values function as agreement values with nominal controllers; the other 2 class-values only appear on agreement targets. The inflectional paradigm characterising agreeing adnominals and pronouns is heterogeneous in several respects. (i) Of the 15 class-values in the inflectional paradigm, only 12 allow non-contextual uses without a nominal controller, each associated with a particular meaning. (ii) Non-contextual uses of the 5 class-values expressing time, manner and different conceptualizations of space display adverbial syntax, while the other class-values show pronominal syntax. (iii) Of the 5 class-values associated with adverbial syntax, the 3 locative classes differ from the classes associated with time and manner with respect to relativisation. We propose that the forms inflected for class that express place, time or manner in their non-contextual use have become adverbs, and the locative relativisers have been reanalysed as locative relative pronouns.