波兰宪法法庭业绩评估:调查管理方法的效果

Kamil Joński, Wojciech Rogowski
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引用次数: 0

摘要

由司法机构激发的“合法性”、“声誉”或“机构信任”构成了法治的一个重要方面。因此,学者们开发了基于调查的方法来量化韦伯意义上的“合法性”。因此,调查响应的质量会对获得的结果产生有意义的影响。此外,人们可以预期,在各国观察到的日益尖锐的政治两极分化可能会扩大这种衡量问题。本文的目的是通过CBOS(民意研究中心)在2022年3月进行的两次不同的调查来检查波兰宪法法庭(CT)的评估。两项调查都询问了对CT表现的总体评估,以及选民偏好(投票意图和偏好的政党)、宗教活动的频率、对经济状况的自我评估,并包括一系列标准的人口控制。比较了CT评估的总体评估水平和个体水平的决定因素(使用概率模型)。研究结果表明,无论调查数据收集方式如何,控制人口因素,对CT的评估取决于代表政治两极分化的变量。这一发现可被解释为其政治非合法化的迹象。此外,在宪法危机过去五年后,在堕胎判决近一年半后,超过40%的受访者承认他们“不确切地知道”CT的任务,甚至“没有听说过”,这表明他们对CT的了解非常缺乏。第二组调查结果记录了CAPI和CAWI民意调查之间的差异。据作者所知,这是第一次尝试检查受访者层面的CT评估决定因素,并测试他们对调查数据收集模式的敏感性,从而有助于我们了解宪法危机五年后波兰CT合法性,以及此类测量的一般方法方面。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
Assessments of the Polish Constitutional Tribunal performance: effects of the survey administration method
‘Legitimacy’, ‘reputation’ or ‘institutional trust’ inspired by judicial institutions constitutes an important aspect of the rule of law. Consequently, scholars developed survey-based methods to quantify ‘legitimacy’ as understood in the Weberian sense. Thereby, the survey response quality can meaningfully impact the obtained results. Moreover, one can expect, that sharpening political polarization observed in various countries could amplify such measurement problems. The goal of this paper is to examine the assessments of the Polish Constitutional Tribunal (CT) using two distinct surveys carried out in March 2022 by CBOS (Public Opinion Research Center). Both asked about the overall assessment of the CT performance, as well as electoral preferences (voting intent and preferred political party), frequency of religious practices, self-assessment of economic conditions and included a battery of standard demographic controls. Both overall assessment levels as well as individual-level determinants of the CT assessment (using probit models) had been compared. The findings document that, regardless of the survey data collection mode, controlled for demographic factors, the assessment of CT depends upon variables representing political polarization. This finding can be interpreted as an indication of its political de-legitimization. Moreover, five years after the constitutional crisis, and nearly one and a half years since the abortion verdict, over 40 per cent of respondents of the Allerhand Institute Survey admitted they ‘don’t know precisely’ the task of the CT or even ‘haven’t heard’ about it, indicating a substantial lack of knowledge. The second group of findings documents differences between CAPI and CAWI polls. According to the authors’ knowledge, it is the first attempt to examine respondent-level determinants of CT assessment, and test their sensitivity to the survey data collection mode, thereby contributing to our understanding of the Polish CT legitimacy five years after the constitutional crisis, and methodological aspects of such measurements in general.
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