新英格兰大都市地区的种族和社会经济测试成绩差距:州立学校援助和贫困隔离

K. Bradbury
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引用次数: 0

摘要

测试成绩数据显示,低收入家庭和少数族裔儿童在各州小学责任测试中的平均得分都低于高收入家庭儿童或白人儿童。虽然不同的学习成绩水平取决于一系列影响因素,但这种考试成绩差距表明,教育机会不平等是一个潜在的重要因素。本报告探讨了新英格兰大都市区种族和社会经济测试成绩差距之间的关系,以及与教育机会不平等有关的两个因素:州平等的学校援助公式和低收入学生的地理隔离。基本方法不允许严格的因果解释;然而,这两个方面都与考试成绩差距密切相关,在新英格兰地区,学区之间的贫困隔离尤其重要。该报告首先探讨了公立学校援助在多大程度上是渐进式的,即不成比例地分配给贫困学生比例较高的地区;在高度贫困的大都市地区,更渐进的分配与较小的考试成绩差距有关。美国所有的州都拨出一些州收入来支持当地的学区,但这种援助集中在贫困人口更集中的地区的程度差别很大。实证分析中估计的关系表明,在援助分配更为渐进的州(如马萨诸塞州的斯普林菲尔德),新英格兰地区平均贫困率较高的都会区,其种族和社会经济测试成绩差距应该略小于在学校援助不那么渐进的州(如佛蒙特州的伯灵顿)中贫困率较低的都会区;白人和黑人考试成绩差距的预测差异大约是斯普林菲尔德和伯灵顿差距实际差异的四分之一。第二个探讨的因素是贫困隔离;与白人孩子或高收入家庭的孩子相比,在大都市地区,少数族裔孩子或低收入家庭的孩子与更多来自低收入家庭的学生一起上学,或在更多来自低收入家庭的学区上学,考试成绩差距更大。部分原因是新英格兰地区的学区(以及城镇)在地理上相对较小,该地区大都市地区的贫困隔离在学区之间最为明显,而不是学区内学校之间。估计关系的大小表明,区间贫困隔离最严重的都会区,如康涅狄格州的布里奇波特-斯坦福-诺沃克,其考试成绩差距应该明显大于区间贫困隔离适中的都会区,如新罕布什尔州的曼彻斯特-纳舒厄;这些预测的差异相当于布里奇波特和曼彻斯特大都会地区实际考试成绩差距的60%到90%。各国可以通过政策变化来改变这两个因素中的一个或两个。各州制定了学校援助政策的条款,从而确定了其进步性。许多州在他们的援助公式中包括成本调整,以抵消教育低收入家庭学生的一些额外成本,最近的一些建议(如康涅狄格州)或政策变化(如马萨诸塞州)涉及更密切地针对州平衡对高贫困地区的援助。关于地区间贫困隔离的州政策杠杆不太直接,可能更具争议性。尽管如此,全州范围内的经济适用房政策,如马萨诸塞州和罗德岛州的政策,如果更全面地实施,可能会减少贫困的集中,并为更多的低收入家庭提供进入低贫困郊区高质量学校的机会。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
Racial and Socioeconomic Test-Score Gaps in New England Metropolitan Areas: State School Aid and Poverty Segregation
Test-score data show that both low-income and racial-minority children score lower, on average, on states’ elementary-school accountability tests compared with higher-income children or white children. While different levels of scholastic achievement depend on a host of influences, such test-score gaps point toward unequal educational opportunity as a potentially important contributor. This report explores the relationship between racial and socioeconomic test-score gaps in New England metropolitan areas and two factors associated with unequal opportunity in education: state equalizing school-aid formulas and geographic segregation of low-income students. The underlying methods do not allow a strict causal interpretation; however, both aspects are strongly related to test-score gaps, with poverty segregation between school districts especially important in New England. The report first explores the degree to which state school aid is progressive, that is, distributed disproportionately to districts with high fractions of students living in poverty; more progressive distributions are associated with smaller test-score gaps in high-poverty metropolitan areas. All U.S. states distribute some state revenue to support local school districts, but the extent to which such aid is focused on districts with greater concentrations of poverty varies considerably. The relationships estimated in the empirical analysis suggest that New England metro areas with high average district poverty in states with more progressive aid distributions, such as Springfield, Massachusetts, should see somewhat smaller racial and socioeconomic test-score gaps than metro areas with lower district poverty in states with less progressive school aid, such as Burlington, Vermont; that predicted difference in white-Black test-score gaps amounts to about one-quarter of the actual difference between Springfield’s gap and Burlington’s gap. The second factor explored is poverty segregation; test-score gaps are larger in metropolitan areas where, compared with white children or higher-income children, minority children or low-income children go to school with, or are in school districts with, more students from low-income families. Partly because school districts (and cities and towns) are relatively small geographically in New England, poverty segregation in the region’s metropolitan areas is most pronounced between districts, not between schools within school districts. The sizes of the estimated relationships suggest that metro areas with the highest between-district poverty segregation, such as Bridgeport-Stamford-Norwalk, Connecticut, should have markedly larger test-score gaps than metro areas with moderate poverty segregation between districts, such as Manchester-Nashua, New Hampshire; those predicted differences amount to 60 percent to 90 percent of the actual test-score gap differences between the Bridgeport and Manchester metro areas. States can alter either or both of these factors via policy changes. States set the terms—and thereby the progressivity—of school-aid policy. Many states include cost adjustments in their aid formulas to offset some of the additional costs of educating students from low-income families, and some recent proposals (such as for Connecticut) or policy changes (such as in Massachusetts) involve more closely targeting state equalizing aid to high-poverty districts. State policy levers regarding between-district poverty segregation are less direct and potentially more controversial. Nonetheless, statewide affordable housing policies, such as those in Massachusetts and Rhode Island, if applied more comprehensively, might reduce concentrations of poverty and provide more low-income families access to the higher-quality schools in low-poverty suburban districts.
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