14(西方)自我灵性:文献回顾、概念框架与研究议程

Nurit Zaidman
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引用次数: 0

摘要

几位学者记录了西方对“后传统灵性”的新兴兴趣,显示其在法国,英国,荷兰和瑞典的增长(Houtman & Aupers, 2007;瑞斯,2004)。查尔斯·泰勒(Charles Taylor)和其他学者将其视为一场文化革命,指出它“深刻地改变了我们社会的信仰条件”,塑造了整个社会的轮廓(Taylor, 2007,第473页;Heelas, 2008)。这场文化革命的焦点是个人和个人的经验。其中,关键的愿望是团结、正直和整体。这种新文化的语言充满了和谐、平衡、流动、整合和“合而为一”的主张(Taylor, 2007, pp. 506-513;Heelas, 1996;Houtman & Aupers, 2010)。对自我灵性文化的文化和社会学方面的研究往往集中在关于自我灵性的市场导向的辩论上(Heelas, 2008;豪特曼&奥珀斯,2010;例如Redden, 2016),或者工作场所灵性的积极和消极方面(Watts, 2018a),过度强调其话语(例如Bell & Taylor, 2003;Gotsis & Kortezi, 2008)。尽管在自我灵性的成长中得到了认可,(Houtman & Aupers, 2007;瑞斯,2004;泰勒,2007;Heelas, 2008),现有的研究并没有对这种文化进行全面的分析,因为它在西方社会机构中颁布:对于盈利组织,公共卫生组织,公立学校等,最重要的是,信徒的家。它也倾向于描绘一个概要的观点,认为自我灵性的感知价值是由信徒在这些背景下构建的。然而,已经获得了一些关于将自我灵性融入组织的知识。研究表明,自我灵性的追随者在工作场所透露自己参与自我灵性时犹豫不决,甚至害怕,而且自我灵性通常被排除在公共领域之外(Islam & Holm, 2016;Mitroff & Denton, 1999;Tejeda, 2015;Zaidman & Goldstein-Gidoni, 2011;米纳,2020)。研究指出,解释组织拒绝的因素显示出认识和组织基本原则的差异(Karjalainen et al., 2019;米纳,2020)。自我精神和组织之间的紧张关系已经被概念化,与理性、关系中的平等和“全人”的观点有关,包括个人的每一个方面——包括她或他
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
14 (Western) Self-Spirituality: Literature Review, Conceptual Framework and Research Agenda
The emerging interest in “post-traditional spirituality” in the West has been documented by several scholars, showing its growth in France, Great Britain, the Netherlands, and Sweden (Houtman & Aupers, 2007; Woodhead, 2004). Charles Taylor, and other scholars, have related to this as a cultural revolution, denoting that it has “profoundly altered the conditions of belief in our societies”, shaping the contours of society as a whole (Taylor, 2007, p. 473; Heelas, 2008). The focal point of this cultural revolution is the individual and personal experience. Within this, key aspirations are unity, integrity, and holism. The language of this new culture is replete with assertions of harmony, balance, flow, integration, and “being at one” (Taylor, 2007, pp. 506–513; Heelas, 1996; Houtman & Aupers, 2010). Research into the cultural and sociological aspects of self-spirituality culture tends to focus on the debate regarding the market orientation of self-spirituality (Heelas, 2008; Houtman & Aupers, 2010; e.g. Redden, 2016), or on the positive and negative aspects of workplace spirituality (Watts, 2018a), with an over-emphasis on its discourse (e.g. Bell & Taylor, 2003; Gotsis & Kortezi, 2008). Despite the recognition in the growth of self-spirituality, (Houtman & Aupers, 2007; Woodhead, 2004; Taylor, 2007; Heelas, 2008), existing research does not present a comprehensive analysis of this culture as it is enacted in Western society institutions: For profit organizations, public health organizations, public schools, etc., and most importantly, adherents’ homes. It also tends to portray a schematic view of the perceived value of self-spirituality as constructed in relation to these contexts by adherents. Some knowledge, however, has been acquired about the incorporation of selfspirituality into organizations. Studies show that self-spirituality adherents are hesitant – or even afraid – to disclose their involvement with self-spirituality in their workplaces, and that self-spirituality has generally been excluded from the public domain (Islam & Holm, 2016; Mitroff & Denton, 1999; Tejeda, 2015; Zaidman & Goldstein-Gidoni, 2011; Zaidman, 2020). Research have pointed out to the factors explaining organizational rejection showing differences in the fundamental principles of knowing and organizing (Karjalainen et al., 2019; Zaidman, 2020). Tensions between self-spirituality and the organization have been conceptualized in relation to rationality, equality in relationships, and the perspective of the ‘the whole person’ including the premise that every aspect of an individual – including her or his
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