对利比亚的干预:合法性和“保护责任”学说的挑战

Edward Philips
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引用次数: 1

摘要

自2010年12月18日突尼斯青年穆罕默德·布阿齐兹自焚以来,“阿拉伯之春”一词的影响力并未因过度使用而减弱。就像柏林墙倒塌的多米诺骨牌效应一样,“阿拉伯之春”提供了对整个中东地区已经发生并将继续发生的公众示威和暴力报复浪潮的简要描述。这些事件的后果也蔓延到了该地区以外;例如,马里的政变(2012年3月21日),甚至俄罗斯弗拉基米尔·普京(Vladimir Putin)当选总统后的抗议活动都被归咎于这一气候事件。至关重要的是,阿拉伯之春还导致了全球政治和联盟的调整和重新结盟。没有比这更好的例子了,美国政治人士在政治分歧的双方都不体面地争分夺秒,试图切断他们长期以来对埃及穆巴拉克政权的政治、经济和军事支持。最后,它还要求西方大国尝试与政治伊斯兰和解,或者至少与伊斯兰兄弟会(muslim Brotherhood)所谓的“温和”势力和解。这些势力似乎已经通过选举实现了他们寻求已久的政治野心。
本文章由计算机程序翻译,如有差异,请以英文原文为准。
THE LIBYAN INTERVENTION: LEGITIMACY AND THE CHALLENGES OF THE ‘RESPONSIBILITY TO PROTECT’ DOCTRINE
The potency of the phrase „The Arab Spring‟ remains undiminished by its over-use since a young Tunisian man, Mohamed Bouazizi, set himself on fire on 18 December 2010. In much the same way as the domino effect of the fall of the Berlin Wall, references to the Arab Spring provide a short-hand description of the wave of public demonstrations and violent reprisals that have occurred, and continue to occur, across the entire Middle East. The fall-out of these events have also spread beyond the region; for instance, the coup d’etat in Mali (21 March 2012) and even the protests attendant upon the presidential election of Vladimir Putin in Russia have all been ascribed to this climatic event. Crucially, the Arab Spring has also resulted in the adjustment and re-alignment of global politics and alliances. No better example of this is provided by the undignified scramble by US politicians on both sides of the political divide to sunder their long-standing political, economic and military support of the regime of Egypt‟s Murbarak. And, ultimately, it has required western powers to attempt reconciliation with political Islam, or at the least, with the alleged „moderate‟ powers of the Islamic Brotherhood, who appear to have achieved their long-sought political ambitions through the ballot box.
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