{"title":"西蒙·托平,《林肯失去的遗产:共和党和非裔美国人的投票,1928-1952》","authors":"Walter D. Greason","doi":"10.1086/JAAHV94N4P587","DOIUrl":null,"url":null,"abstract":"Simon Topping, Lincoln's Lost Legacy: The Republican Party and the African American Vote, 1928-1952. Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 2008. Pp. 320. Cloth $65.00. The leadership of the Republican Party generally resisted civil rights rhetoric and policies after 1968. The roots for this reticence, however, stretched much further back as Simon Topping demonstrates in Lincoln's Lost Legacy. While the Grand Old Party (GOP) abandoned black voting rights after the Reconstruction era and mostly ignored the demands for political accountability that African Americans made before the 1920s, its ambivalence and uncertainty in the face of the Great Migration, Franklin Roosevelt's New Deal agenda, and the reemergence of the black freedom struggle in the 1950s were equally profound. Warren G. Harding, Calvin Coolidge, and Herbert Hoover's failure to have the Republican Party take strategic advantage of the large black populations emerging in northern cities in the 1920s continued a legacy of neglect, if not outright hostility, towards black political empowerment in the first half of the 20th century. Topping's analysis begins with the three Republican administrations in the 1920s. Harding and Coolidge's indifference to the economic and political needs of African Americans, especially in the South; the party's unwillingness to distance itself from the Ku Klux Klan during the decade; and Hoover myopia and insularity as African Americans suffered through the worst years of the Great Depression served as the basis for black political alienation. African Americans felt the negative economic consequences of Hoover's laissez faire policies most sharply, and in northern cities their ballots began to shift toward the Democratic Party as early as 1932. The success of New Deal programs in offering relief from unemployment, hunger, and despair reversed the historical trends as Franklin Roosevelt won nearly 70 percent of African American votes in 1936. Topping argues that Hoover's failure in particular introduced an era of profound confusion on race and civil rights issues among Republicans in the 1930s. The Republican candidate in 1936, Alfred Landon, made few overtures to black voters and the censoring of Ralph Bunche's report for the Republican National Committee in 1939 on southern black disfranchisement demonstrated the depths of the divisions within the party on civil rights issues. Wendell Wilkie and Thomas Dewey attempted to resolve the debate in favor of ideas about a broadly inclusive democracy in their campaigns in 1940 and 1944. But their repeated failures to reach out to black voters only provided the mortar for a new coalition between conservative Republicans and southern Dixiecrats that further isolated the few remaining black Republicans by the election of 1952. …","PeriodicalId":253318,"journal":{"name":"Journal of African American History","volume":"39 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0000,"publicationDate":"2009-09-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":"0","resultStr":"{\"title\":\"Simon Topping, Lincoln's Lost Legacy: The Republican Party and the African American Vote, 1928–1952\",\"authors\":\"Walter D. Greason\",\"doi\":\"10.1086/JAAHV94N4P587\",\"DOIUrl\":null,\"url\":null,\"abstract\":\"Simon Topping, Lincoln's Lost Legacy: The Republican Party and the African American Vote, 1928-1952. Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 2008. Pp. 320. Cloth $65.00. The leadership of the Republican Party generally resisted civil rights rhetoric and policies after 1968. The roots for this reticence, however, stretched much further back as Simon Topping demonstrates in Lincoln's Lost Legacy. While the Grand Old Party (GOP) abandoned black voting rights after the Reconstruction era and mostly ignored the demands for political accountability that African Americans made before the 1920s, its ambivalence and uncertainty in the face of the Great Migration, Franklin Roosevelt's New Deal agenda, and the reemergence of the black freedom struggle in the 1950s were equally profound. Warren G. Harding, Calvin Coolidge, and Herbert Hoover's failure to have the Republican Party take strategic advantage of the large black populations emerging in northern cities in the 1920s continued a legacy of neglect, if not outright hostility, towards black political empowerment in the first half of the 20th century. Topping's analysis begins with the three Republican administrations in the 1920s. Harding and Coolidge's indifference to the economic and political needs of African Americans, especially in the South; the party's unwillingness to distance itself from the Ku Klux Klan during the decade; and Hoover myopia and insularity as African Americans suffered through the worst years of the Great Depression served as the basis for black political alienation. African Americans felt the negative economic consequences of Hoover's laissez faire policies most sharply, and in northern cities their ballots began to shift toward the Democratic Party as early as 1932. The success of New Deal programs in offering relief from unemployment, hunger, and despair reversed the historical trends as Franklin Roosevelt won nearly 70 percent of African American votes in 1936. Topping argues that Hoover's failure in particular introduced an era of profound confusion on race and civil rights issues among Republicans in the 1930s. The Republican candidate in 1936, Alfred Landon, made few overtures to black voters and the censoring of Ralph Bunche's report for the Republican National Committee in 1939 on southern black disfranchisement demonstrated the depths of the divisions within the party on civil rights issues. Wendell Wilkie and Thomas Dewey attempted to resolve the debate in favor of ideas about a broadly inclusive democracy in their campaigns in 1940 and 1944. But their repeated failures to reach out to black voters only provided the mortar for a new coalition between conservative Republicans and southern Dixiecrats that further isolated the few remaining black Republicans by the election of 1952. …\",\"PeriodicalId\":253318,\"journal\":{\"name\":\"Journal of African American History\",\"volume\":\"39 1\",\"pages\":\"0\"},\"PeriodicalIF\":0.0000,\"publicationDate\":\"2009-09-22\",\"publicationTypes\":\"Journal Article\",\"fieldsOfStudy\":null,\"isOpenAccess\":false,\"openAccessPdf\":\"\",\"citationCount\":\"0\",\"resultStr\":null,\"platform\":\"Semanticscholar\",\"paperid\":null,\"PeriodicalName\":\"Journal of African American History\",\"FirstCategoryId\":\"1085\",\"ListUrlMain\":\"https://doi.org/10.1086/JAAHV94N4P587\",\"RegionNum\":0,\"RegionCategory\":null,\"ArticlePicture\":[],\"TitleCN\":null,\"AbstractTextCN\":null,\"PMCID\":null,\"EPubDate\":\"\",\"PubModel\":\"\",\"JCR\":\"\",\"JCRName\":\"\",\"Score\":null,\"Total\":0}","platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":null,"PeriodicalName":"Journal of African American History","FirstCategoryId":"1085","ListUrlMain":"https://doi.org/10.1086/JAAHV94N4P587","RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":null,"ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":null,"EPubDate":"","PubModel":"","JCR":"","JCRName":"","Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
摘要
西蒙·托平,《林肯失去的遗产:共和党和非裔美国人的投票,1928-1952》。盖恩斯维尔:佛罗里达大学出版社,2008。320页。布65.00美元。1968年后,共和党领导层普遍抵制民权言论和政策。然而,这种沉默的根源可以追溯到西蒙·托平在林肯的《失落的遗产》中所阐述的。虽然共和党在重建时期之后放弃了黑人的投票权,并且在很大程度上忽视了20世纪20年代之前非洲裔美国人对政治责任的要求,但面对大迁徙、富兰克林·罗斯福的新政议程以及20世纪50年代黑人自由斗争的重新出现,它的矛盾心理和不确定性同样深刻。沃伦·g·哈丁(Warren G. Harding)、卡尔文·柯立芝(Calvin Coolidge)和赫伯特·胡佛(Herbert Hoover)未能让共和党利用20世纪20年代北方城市出现的大量黑人人口的战略优势,延续了20世纪上半叶对黑人政治赋权的忽视(如果不是完全敌意的话)的传统。托平的分析从20世纪20年代的三届共和党政府开始。哈丁和柯立芝对非裔美国人,尤其是南方非裔美国人的经济和政治需求漠不关心;该党在过去十年中不愿与三k党划清界限;在非裔美国人经历大萧条最糟糕的岁月时,胡佛的短视和狭隘成为黑人政治异化的基础。非裔美国人对胡佛的自由放任政策带来的负面经济后果感受最为强烈,早在1932年,在北方城市,他们的选票就开始转向民主党。1936年,富兰克林·罗斯福(Franklin Roosevelt)赢得了近70%的非裔美国人的选票,新政计划在缓解失业、饥饿和绝望方面的成功扭转了历史趋势。托平认为,胡佛的失败尤其在20世纪30年代使共和党人在种族和民权问题上陷入了深刻的混乱。1936年的共和党候选人阿尔弗雷德·兰登(Alfred Landon)几乎没有向黑人选民示好,而拉尔夫·邦奇(Ralph Bunche) 1939年为共和党全国委员会(Republican National Committee)撰写的关于南方黑人被剥夺选举权的报告遭到审查,显示出共和党内部在民权问题上的分歧之深。温德尔·威尔基(Wendell Wilkie)和托马斯·杜威(Thomas Dewey)在1940年和1944年的竞选中试图解决这场辩论,支持广泛包容的民主思想。但他们一再未能争取到黑人选民的支持,只是为保守的共和党人和南方民主党人之间的新联盟提供了一种迫击物,这种联盟在1952年的选举中进一步孤立了为数不多的黑人共和党人。...
Simon Topping, Lincoln's Lost Legacy: The Republican Party and the African American Vote, 1928–1952
Simon Topping, Lincoln's Lost Legacy: The Republican Party and the African American Vote, 1928-1952. Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 2008. Pp. 320. Cloth $65.00. The leadership of the Republican Party generally resisted civil rights rhetoric and policies after 1968. The roots for this reticence, however, stretched much further back as Simon Topping demonstrates in Lincoln's Lost Legacy. While the Grand Old Party (GOP) abandoned black voting rights after the Reconstruction era and mostly ignored the demands for political accountability that African Americans made before the 1920s, its ambivalence and uncertainty in the face of the Great Migration, Franklin Roosevelt's New Deal agenda, and the reemergence of the black freedom struggle in the 1950s were equally profound. Warren G. Harding, Calvin Coolidge, and Herbert Hoover's failure to have the Republican Party take strategic advantage of the large black populations emerging in northern cities in the 1920s continued a legacy of neglect, if not outright hostility, towards black political empowerment in the first half of the 20th century. Topping's analysis begins with the three Republican administrations in the 1920s. Harding and Coolidge's indifference to the economic and political needs of African Americans, especially in the South; the party's unwillingness to distance itself from the Ku Klux Klan during the decade; and Hoover myopia and insularity as African Americans suffered through the worst years of the Great Depression served as the basis for black political alienation. African Americans felt the negative economic consequences of Hoover's laissez faire policies most sharply, and in northern cities their ballots began to shift toward the Democratic Party as early as 1932. The success of New Deal programs in offering relief from unemployment, hunger, and despair reversed the historical trends as Franklin Roosevelt won nearly 70 percent of African American votes in 1936. Topping argues that Hoover's failure in particular introduced an era of profound confusion on race and civil rights issues among Republicans in the 1930s. The Republican candidate in 1936, Alfred Landon, made few overtures to black voters and the censoring of Ralph Bunche's report for the Republican National Committee in 1939 on southern black disfranchisement demonstrated the depths of the divisions within the party on civil rights issues. Wendell Wilkie and Thomas Dewey attempted to resolve the debate in favor of ideas about a broadly inclusive democracy in their campaigns in 1940 and 1944. But their repeated failures to reach out to black voters only provided the mortar for a new coalition between conservative Republicans and southern Dixiecrats that further isolated the few remaining black Republicans by the election of 1952. …