{"title":"Tribal engagement strategies in the Islamic Emirate of Azawad","authors":"Vidar B. Skretting","doi":"10.1080/23802014.2022.2111461","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/23802014.2022.2111461","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The Tuareg uprising in northern Mali in 2012 culminated in the establishment of the Islamic Emirate of Azawad, a proto-state run jointly by Tuareg Islamists in Ansar Dine and foreign jihadists with connections to al-Qaida in the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM). Ruling over a vast territory where jihadist ideology had little traction, the jihadists had to navigate a complex field of tribal politics to stay in power. This article explores jihadist tribal engagement strategies in Azawad during the occupation of northern Mali (2012–2013) and discusses how the relationships with tribal chiefs and traditional authorities impinged on the state-building efforts. Based on novel primary sources and local media reports, this article shows that the jihadists sought above all to avoid a tribal uprising and, therefore, pursued a relatively lenient policy towards the tribal chiefs. The comparatively weak position of the jihadists gave the chiefs some bargaining power in the new political settlement. However, collaboration with the jihadist rebels increased over time as their territorial control became more consolidated.","PeriodicalId":398229,"journal":{"name":"Third World Thematics: A TWQ Journal","volume":"91 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-05-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"126857739","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"The Islamic State’s tribal policies in Syria and Iraq","authors":"Brynjar Lia","doi":"10.1080/23802014.2022.2147990","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/23802014.2022.2147990","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The surprising ability of the jihadist organisation “the Islamic State” to capture and hold large territories in Syria and Iraq raises important questions regarding rebel governance in civil wars. One understudied aspect in the growing literature on rebel rule is insurgents’ relations to kinship organisations. This article offers a detailed empirical exploration of ISIS’ tribal policies in the mid-2010s. It argues that ISIS’ relative success in maintaining control over tribal areas in Syria and Iraq and preventing a tribal-based uprising is due to three main factors. First, ISIS pursued well-calibrated carrot-and-stick policies vis-à-vis the tribes, which divided tribal constituencies and undermined their ability to mobilise effectively. Secondly, the politico-military situation in both Iraq and Syria contributed to deprive the Sunni-Arab tribes from trustworthy military allies and sources of external support, which forced them instead to lie low and accept ISIS rule, while waiting for ISIS to be defeated by their enemies. Thirdly, inter- and intra-tribal divisions had allowed ISIS to penetrate most tribes thereby reducing the tribe’s ability to act as cohesive and effective socio-political and military units. By comparing tribal groups and jihadist insurgents, the article also speaks to the theoretical debate on extremist advantages in civil war.","PeriodicalId":398229,"journal":{"name":"Third World Thematics: A TWQ Journal","volume":"4 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-05-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"128063037","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Rebel governance and kinship groups in the Middle East and Africa","authors":"Dag Tuastad, E. Sogge, Brynjar Lia","doi":"10.1080/23802014.2022.2152862","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/23802014.2022.2152862","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Since the 2010s, the Middle East and Africa have witnessed a sharp proliferation of insurgent proto-states – territorial enclaves controlled by insurgent groups. Gathering six ethnographic accounts from these regions, this volume seeks to answer the following: How do rebel governments and kin-based forms of socio-political organisation shape and influence one another? When rebels establish territorial control, their emerging proto-states will be shaped by processes of negotiation with pre-existing social forces. Therefore, sociopolitical organisation in rebel-held areas can only be understood by analysing the interactions between “the preexisting” and “the incoming” orders. Nonetheless, as we emphasise in this introduction, the study of kinship groups in conflict areas and rebel governments have developed as two distinct research fields. The aim of this volume is to bring them together and seek a deeper understanding of how kin-based loyalties, networks, institutions, and social conventions may shape and influence rebel governance practices. The volume features many examples of insurgent groups meticulously crafting “tribal administrations” to curtail civilian resistance. Yet, it also shows that the various rebel groups described face far greater difficulties in reforming society culturally, than asserting military dominance over tribal actors. For the rebels, social revolutions are harder earned than political domination.","PeriodicalId":398229,"journal":{"name":"Third World Thematics: A TWQ Journal","volume":"8 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-05-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"127950387","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Competitive clientelism in secondary cities: urban ecologies of resistance in Lebanon","authors":"A. Knudsen","doi":"10.1080/23802014.2021.1968313","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/23802014.2021.1968313","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This article analyses political and religious mobilisation in Sidon and Tripoli, both secondary cities struggling amidst deep social divisions, elite competition, and armed conflict during the contentious decade following the assassination of former Prime Minister Rafik Hariri (2005–15). A central element in the sectarian and Islamic resurgence was discontent with the political and social decline of the Sunnis. The Syrian revolt magnified Sunni-Shia tensions and shifted the locus of contentious politics from the capital Beirut to secondary cities such as Tripoli and Sidon. In both cities, communal tensions spurred confrontations with the Army that were followed by closely contested municipal elections. By examining the urban ecologies of resistance, the article contributes to an understanding of how urban inequality, competitive clientelism, and Islamist (social) movements are intertwined and can explain why the political pathways and electoral outcomes differed and the implications for the understanding of religious-influenced politics. The city-level analysis testifies to the importance of contextual urban traits and political actors’ agency in influencing the popular support for state-oriented social movements and sectarian parties and as determinants of their electoral fortunes.","PeriodicalId":398229,"journal":{"name":"Third World Thematics: A TWQ Journal","volume":"4 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"125111837","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Islamist Social Movements and Hybrid Regime Types in the Muslim World","authors":"Tine Gade, M. Bøås","doi":"10.1080/23802014.2022.2137300","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/23802014.2022.2137300","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Since the Arab Uprisings in 2010–2011 and subsequent counterrevolutions, socio-economic and political crises have occurred with rapid frequency in the Arab Middle East, North Africa, and the Sahel. The aim of our special issue is to investigate how and why social movements that use references to Islam or an explicit Islamist framework have adapted their ideology and their toolbox in order to negotiate and navigate the social and political terrain created by the upheavals in the recent period? Using recent field data to enrich our knowledge of Islamist movements in countries where the Islamist phenomenon has been understudied, this collection provides a framework to understand the growing political volatility and hybridity in Islamist repertoires of contention. The authors of the volume each analyse cases of Islamist social movements shifting, or attempting to shift, from one repertoire to another – from transnational to national, from non-violent to violent or vice versa. The collection shows that social movements adapt in different ways and make use of resources available to them, at times moving far beyond their established ideology and traditional theological references.","PeriodicalId":398229,"journal":{"name":"Third World Thematics: A TWQ Journal","volume":"8 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"129038093","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Can (Salafi) jihadi insurgents politicise and become pragmatic in civil wars? Social movement restraint in Ahrar al-Sham in Syria","authors":"Jérôme Drevon","doi":"10.1080/23802014.2021.1983454","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/23802014.2021.1983454","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Most research on jihadi groups examines their violent radicalisation. Insurgents that politicise in civil wars and become more pragmatic without renouncing violence are less understood. This article defines jihadi groups’ politicisation as the development of realistic tactical and strategic objectives, durable alliances with other actors including foreign states and non-state armed groups, and normalisation of their interactions with the population. This article argues that politicisation is not merely the outcome of armed groups’ independent ideological revisions. Politicisation results from a combination of several factors that restrain jihadi insurgents in civil wars. In Syria, the empirical analysis of Ahrar al-Sham demonstrates that the group was restrained by (1) its decentralised organisational structures and (2) interactions with other actors including other insurgents, the population, and foreign states. This article is based on extensive field research conducted in Syria and Turkey with Syrian insurgents across the spectrum.","PeriodicalId":398229,"journal":{"name":"Third World Thematics: A TWQ Journal","volume":"22 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"116276606","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"The sheikh versus the president: the making of Imam Dicko as a political Big Man in Mali","authors":"M. Bøås, A. Cissé","doi":"10.1080/23802014.2022.2108893","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/23802014.2022.2108893","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT In the lead up to the military coup in Mali in August 2020, Imam Mahmoud Dicko solidified his status as one of the country’s most important power brokers. How did a religious leader achieve this in a country where politics is considered ‘dirty’, the social capital of religious leaders rests on being seen as honest and pious, and politics and religion are considered constitutionally separate? Drawing on recent work in African Studies that utilises the classical ‘Big Man’ concept of Marshall Sahlins, this article tracks the political engagement of religious leaders with a particular focus on the political career of Imam Dicko. We document both his failures and how he learned to play politics without tarnishing his image as a pious man of God. We argue that Dicko’s hybrid mix of theology and politics led his followers into new terrain that even the secular opposition could buy in to. In turn, this opens up space for Salafi actors to navigate the straits between resistance and collaboration with the state.","PeriodicalId":398229,"journal":{"name":"Third World Thematics: A TWQ Journal","volume":"84 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"114624002","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Opportunity, ideology, and Salafi pathways of political activism in Tunisia","authors":"T. Blanc","doi":"10.1080/23802014.2021.1965014","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/23802014.2021.1965014","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The Arab Revolutions have multiplied the pathways of activism available to Salafi groups notably in the newly democratised Tunisia. Based on an opportunity-inclusion approach, the literature has not successfully explained this diversification of pathways due to a focalisation on structural opportunities. This approach is unable to account for the variation in pathways taken by different groups facing the same structural opportunities for inclusion. In the light of this limitation, I argue that pre-revolutionary starting points and ideological legacies largely determined groups’ perception of the revolutionary ‘opportunity’ as well as the choice of political activism pathways. Based on secondary literature and interview and social media data, I show that groups that were open to political participation before the revolution (Jabhah Islamiyya) chose to participate, while groups that rejected it (Ansar al-Shariʿa) maintained their rejection, and formerly quietist sheikhs chose to participate 8 years after the revolution while maintaining certain ideological red lines (sheikhs in the coalition Itilaf al-Karama). On this basis, the article proposes to reassess the relationship between ideology and strategy as complementary rather than exclusionary components of an agency by demonstrating how ideological legacies predispose actors to certain strategic choices through the delineation of legitimate and illegitimate paths of activism.","PeriodicalId":398229,"journal":{"name":"Third World Thematics: A TWQ Journal","volume":"25 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"121792694","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"The Big Man Muqtada al-Sadr: Leading the Street in Iraq under Limited Statehood","authors":"Kjetil Selvik, Iman Amirteimour","doi":"10.1080/23802014.2021.1956367","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/23802014.2021.1956367","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The article conceptualises the Shia cleric Muqtada al-Sadr as a big man to explain his proven capability for navigating the hazardous terrain of Iraqi politics. Introduced in Sahlins’ anthropology on Melanesia and refined in African studies, the notion of the big man has been underexploited in accounts of the Arab region. This article defends its relevance for sociopolitical analyses of Iraq and for the study of religious actors. Personal authority is the defining characteristic of a big man, and the mobilisation of followers is the key to his renown. In situations of limited statehood, the ability to build support upon extra-institutional foundations can yield long-lasting political results. Muqtada al-Sadr has relied on an exceptional combination of resources to establish himself as a kingmaker on the political scene. We trace the roots of his ascent and foreground the strategies he has used to accumulate authority in his person. The article analyses Muqtada’s response to the wave of popular protests that swept Southern Iraq in 2019, observing a shift from initial support to open confrontation with the demonstrators. We argue that this shift threatens his status because it undermines his most important power resource: the ability to lead the street.","PeriodicalId":398229,"journal":{"name":"Third World Thematics: A TWQ Journal","volume":"21 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"116519547","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Libyan Salafis and the struggle for the state","authors":"Virginie Collombier","doi":"10.1080/23802014.2022.2062442","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/23802014.2022.2062442","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Academic writing has tended to divide Salafis into three main categories: jihadi, political, and quietist. These categories are commonly distinguished by ideological and methodological differences. Particularly important, it is suggested, are different attitudes to the state, political authority and the use of violence. What happens, though, when state institutions collapse, when there is no state authority or when state authority is contested? In the midst of political upheaval and armed conflict, how do Salafis relate to the state and politics more generally? Developments in Libya between 2011 and 2020 have provided an ideal opportunity to look at these questions. This paper analyses Salafi relations with state institutions and politics more generally in times of turmoil. It does so by focusing on ‘political’ Salafism, represented by leading figures in the former Libyan Islamic Fighting Group, and ‘quietist’ Salafism, represented by the so-called ‘Madkhali’ Salafis. Based on desk research and numerous interviews with Libyan actors, it unpacks the different strategies deployed by the two groups in dealing with state institutions.","PeriodicalId":398229,"journal":{"name":"Third World Thematics: A TWQ Journal","volume":"60 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"125801914","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}